Boerevolkstaat
South Africa, Boer prisoner of war tortured. Wilhelm Pretorius, 2002 PDF Print E-mail
Wednesday, 16 May 2012 07:07

Affidavit by Boer prisoner of war Wilhelm Pretorius - an accused in the so-called “Boeremag” phoney-trial

Wilhelm Pretorius - Boer prisoner of war

The green text, enclosed in square brackets, is by Volkstaat.org

That barbarian methods of torturing are used by police [imperial police] is one hundred percent correct. I can personally testify to this.

On 10 December 2002, I, Wilhelm Pretorius, a 25 year old student, was arrested on political and especially weapons-related charges, including high treason and conspiracy to a coup d’état. The charges were essentially similar to those for which a group of ANC-members [African National Congress] consisting of most current South African Members of Parliament [of the “new” Republic of South Africa (RSA) Empire] were charged during the apartheid years.

I was arrested at 20h00 (8:00 pm) in a park in Pretoria while it was drizzling. My hands were tied behind my back with thick, strong plastic cables, in such a way that the blood supply to my hands was denied. For approximately two hours I lay on the ground on my stomach. During this time, one of the policemen came and stood on my neck.

After approximately two hours, Captain Johan Vice [Johannes Cornelius Vice – an Afrikaans-speaking white at the service of the imperial police] took me to a Venture vehicle belonging to the police that had dark-tinted windows. When I got into the vehicle, which was driven by a white woman, Capt Vice was seated directly behind me, and one Lotter, another policeman, on the right-hand side of the seat behind mine. My hands were still tightly bound, so that my hands were already feeling numb. The next thing I knew was Capt Vice throwing his shirt over my head and pulling it back sharply, with the obvious intention of strangling me. I struggled violently and managed to free my head from the shirt, totally dazed by what had just happened. I still was not prepared for the barbarism that would follow. He pulled the shirt over my eyes to blind me. Capt Vice is approximately 2 m (6’6”) tall. He is a large man with massive hands. With his gigantic hands, he grabbed me around my throat, pushing in my Adam’s apple to shut off my windpipe so that I simply could not breathe. I squirmed and struggled, but his hands were firmly anchored around my throat, like the paws of a lion around the throat of an impala. I struggled for breath so vehemently that I eventually landed on the middle seat of the Venture.

I was now virtually lying on his lap, with my hands still bound behind my back. Using his fist, he repeatedly hit me on the side of my face asking where my brothers were. At that stage, they were still wanted by the police for the same case. This process continued for a long time. He also forcefully pushed his finger into my ear.

At one stage, we stopped next to the road Vice threatened that if I would try to remove the shirt from my eyes, he would kill me. He said to me that he had made special arrangements for a so called “Kaffir” (black man) to rape me. “They have been craving nice white flesh for quite some time now,” he sneered. Somebody with alcohol on his breath then bent over me, as I was lying on the middle seat of the Venture, while the door was open. This person spoke in isiZulu and repeatedly tampered with my trousers and my belt. He also repeatedly slapped me in the face. I did not understand what he was saying. Sometimes he spoke near to me so that I could smell the odour of alcohol on his stinking breath. I later recognized the person from his voice as one of the policemen who much later interrogated me again. Again I was hit on the side of my face by Capt Vice, again and again. I was also repeatedly asked if I were a “virgin,” referring to the fact that I was going to be raped. This was continuously repeated to me.

They then took me out of the car and made me lie on a plastic sheet next to the road. It sounded to me as if it were a deserted place. I was still blindfolded and could not see where I was. The plastic cables started cutting into the flesh of my arms and my hands were totally numb, Capt Vice came and sat on me and forced a rubbery piece of material over my mouth and nose. I could get no breath. I initially kicked and struggled, but quickly realized that it only caused me to waste more breath. This process continued while they shouted and swore at me. I lay on my numb hands and gasped for breath. Sometimes I just gave up and let go so that I could die, at other times I just saw stars before my eyes. My lungs felt as if they would burst, while my whole body was exhausted from being deprived of oxygen. They continued cursing me and threatening to kill me. “Didn’t you sh** in your pants yet?” and other similar remarks were shouted at me.

During the struggle I landed on my stomach after having rid myself of the blindfold. I could then see who the savage was who had carried out his barbarian acts on me. The same man came and sat on me. He put the inner tube over my mouth and nose, and pulled my neck backwards, using brute force. Every second it felt as if my neck would break. I was helpless and could not do anything except endure it. I got no breath, my whole back and neck felt as if they would break at any moment. There were times when I just gave up and thought to myself that if my neck had to be broken, then let it be. Initially I struggled against this murderer with all my power, but later I just gave up and let go. “If my neck breaks now, it would at least be the end of this hell,” I found myself thinking. I then relaxed my whole body so that my neck could break. I was to find out afterwards that one of the AWB men, Phil Kloppers, who is still in jail today in a wheelchair, had been paralyzed by similar police torture.

After this session, the person stood on my lower back while he violently forced my hands upwards. It felt as if my arms were being torn out of their sockets. My head was against the ground, and my neck was stretched in such a way that once again I could not breathe. This continued the whole time while they yelled questions at me about where my brothers were, how we communicated, and when I was supposed to see them again. I did not know where they were and had to think up a story of how we communicated and where they were, in order to get them to allow me some rest. They did not allow me any rest, however. After this torture session, my shoulders hurt so much that I could not lift them. For two weeks afterwards, I was unable to lift my arms above my shoulders, and two years afterwards, my shoulder still gave me problems during exercises. My torturer had completely strained my shoulder ligaments.

I again landed on my back and was again suffocated with the rubber inner tube. At one stage, this was replaced by a plastic sheet. He then also repeatedly rubbed his knuckles violently on my breastbone. After I breathed for a moment, he would pick me up and put me on my feet. Approximately 8-10 times he hit me in the stomach with full force, so that I fell to the ground. There was an unknown grey-haired policeman whom I will be able to recognize, who held me while the other one beat me up. I was picked up and hit in the stomach again and again.

After this session had finished, I was again blindfolded, this time with striped police barrier tape, the kind they use for roping off crime areas. This tape was wound tightly around my face. I can remember Vice and Lotter, and saw that there were two bakkies (light trucks) While this episode lasted, I heard them opening beer cans. In the bakkie there were a lot of empty beer cans.

They put me in the car again, finally believing that I would meet my brothers that night and that they would hide a message for me or I would hide one for them under a stone at an old fort which I knew well. We then drove to the fort, but they did not stop torturing me. On the way there, Capt Vice hit me on the elbow with the butt of his pistol and again hit me on the side of my face and pushed his finger into my ear. He also started hitting me on my thigh repeatedly. At that time, I had no feeling left in my hands. Even the blows to my head only made me see stars, but I actually did not feel the blows any more. The fact that I could breathe again was valuable to me.

I was lying on the middle seat of the bakkie. I heard them cocking their 9 mm pistols and running towards the fort. They shouted that they had seen tracks there and that my brothers probably were there. This was not so however, as people regularly visit that fort, and my brothers would never meet me there. We had not arranged to meet, and I did not know where they were.

We drove off again. I now promised that I would cooperate, in order to get a break to rest a little. My mind was tired, my throat bone dry, my hands were numb, and my whole being was blunted. Vice now cut off the plastic cords, using his pocket knife, and in the process, he also caused a cut in my left wrist. In spite of the fact that the cables had been removed, I still had no feeling. They bought me a Coke. My throat was so dry that the gas stuck to my throat.

We drove to their offices in the Piet Joubert building in Visagie Street. Here I was ordered to wash my face. I was startled to see my face in the mirror. My nose was covered with blood, and my face was so swollen that it looked like a pumpkin.

We walked upstairs to an office. Here, they peppered me with questions. Every time I gave an answer they did not like, they repeatedly slapped my head. Again, it was Capt Vice, Lotter, and the grey-haired policeman whose voice I recognized as the one who had pretended to be the black man who would rape me. There was a Zulu present as well. At one stage, when they started screaming at me again, they said that I had to go with the Zulu, because they knew how to make people talk. One Colonel Van Rooyen [another Afrikaans-speaking white at the service of the imperial police] then entered and took me aside. He had come to tell me that his father shares my views on politics. I had to cooperate with these people, though. He tried to convince me. When I asked him whether I did not have a right to remain silent, he became more aggressive and said that a criminal does not have the right to remain silent. Once a person has committed a crime, he no longer has a right to remain silent. He took me back to the others. Again they slapped me several times if they were not satisfied with the answers I provided. One Commissioner Pruis and another commissioner then arrived. Also they peppered me with questions. We left the offices at approximately 10:00 (am). The policemen were in a jovial mood. I was not handcuffed. We got into the bakkie. It was the same bakkie in which we had driven there, and I also saw the pieces of barrier tape which they had used to blindfold me.

We then drove to Hartebeesfontein police station, approximately 300 km (200 miles) west van Pretoria. On the way there, we stopped at a liquor store in a town. The same three policemen asked me if I would go and buy liquor for them. I realized that if I did this, they could allege that I was trying to escape, and would able to shoot me dead. I refused, but tried to seem amicable. Lotter, who sat next to me in the back, then went to buy the beer. They also gave me some beer, while they opened one beer after another. On the way to Potchefstroom, we passed through a roadblock, which made them very nervous, as they had drunk quite a lot. My legal representative, Jaco van der Wateren in the meantime had traced me to Vice’s cell phone and I at last had an opportunity to talk to him. I also later phoned him from the police station. Vice told me that, if I cooperated nicely, they would look after me, otherwise they would “put me in with some Kaffirs.” “The Kaffirs are going to f**k you. Are you still a virgin, Willempie?” he sneeringly mocked me. When we arrived at the police station, I immediately phoned my attorney, who recommended that I file charges right away. I then made a statement without delay.

That night, I was locked up alone in an ice cold cell without being provided with any warm garments. My whole body was in a state of shock. The hairy, dirty blanket was insufficient. My neck was completely limp, and I to keep my head up was difficult. I carried my arms in front of me in a folded position, because I was unable to lift them. I started to experience a pins-and-needles feeling in my hands. I had pain-reliever tablets. My throat was so swollen from the strangulation that I could not eat anything. I could swallow with great difficulty only. I was locked up in the cell without water. I could not reach my wife on the telephone and was to learn afterwards that she had also been arrested, and one of my friends as well. I spent the night without painkillers or any other medication. Only the next morning did a policeman from Hartebeesfontein take me to a district surgeon. The DS examined me in the presence of the policeman, and I made sure that he made proper notes of all my injuries.

I was later informed that my wife’s door was kicked off while she was standing within sight of the police, phoning her attorney. They assaulted her and plucked the phone from her hand. A friend of mine who arrived on the scene was manhandled, and when he arrived at his car, he found that rivets had been shot into his tyres in order to prevent him from following them to see where they were taking my wife.

Capt Vice and Lotter still form part of the investigation team of the criminal case brought against me and others, which has been serving before a court of law for almost three years now. To date, nothing has come of the complaint filed by me. I have never yet met the investigating officer. In fact, no investigation has yet been done at all. Au contraire, Capt Vice sits in court daily. He handles all written evidence of the accused, handles our security in jail, and is in charge of visits by our families. He sits in court daily and leers at us. Is this not a highly irregular arrangement under any legal system?

The ANC regularly complains that its members had been tortured by these monsters, yet the ANC has knowingly turned the self-same “policemen” [including a good number of Afrikaans-speaking whites] loose upon its political opponents. Their members just turn their heads away while similar and worse violations are perpetrated against us [the Boers]. This report mentions only the torture perpetrated against me personally. This does not even touch upon the refined psychic torture to which we are subjected day and night in jail. Justice and righteousness cannot be relied upon in this country [Empire] any longer. The monster of police brutality is a reality which is perpetuated by politically motivated silence.

 
Who were the 27,000 Boers who died in concentration camps? PDF Print E-mail
Monday, 14 May 2012 07:07

Boer children and women in the British concentration camps

On May 9, I had an interesting conversation with Theuns Cloete, great Boer patriot and a great Boer history expert, and also Director of Boervolk Radio. Among other things, Theuns pointed out to me that there is much confusion about the 27,000 Boers died in the British concentration camps in southern Africa, during 1900-1902.
It is generally thought that most of these 27,000 dead were women. Perhaps because there are several monuments that recall the Boer women, and when people speak of the dead in concentration camp, ever citing first women then children. But the truth is otherwise.
Of the 27,000 deaths: 24,000 were children (under 16 years); 2,200 were women; 800 were men.
The Boer population, before the Second Anglo-Boer War, was about 180,000 up to 220,000, of which 50,000 were children.
The British concentration camps, a weapon of international capitalism moved to the conquest of the Boer Republics, exterminated about 50% of the Boer child population. The nature of things was reversed, and mothers and fathers saw their children die. Indeed, the best way to delete a volk is to make dying his children.

Volkstaat.org

The extermination of the Boer child population

 
Nelson Mandela PDF Print E-mail
Thursday, 10 May 2012 07:07

The following text (mostly already published on the HNP website) is taken from the book “Die Mandela Legende – The Mandela Legend” by Dr PW Möller. Is a biography of Nelson Mandela, historical communist terrorist of the African National Congress (ANC), and first black president of the “new” Empire of the Republic of South Africa (RSA).
The green text is by Volkstaat.org.


Introduction
Nelson MandelaWebster defines a legend as “a story generally of a marvellous character, told respecting a saint”. It has an historical background, but is often padded and tainted by fantasy. In Mandela’s case, when the facts are viewed realistically and objectively, any sensible person will no longer see a saint, but a fantasy blown up to something supernatural. It will become clear that a false image of the so-called beloved Madiba is being presented to the world. He is by no means the peace-loving, gentle daddy he is made out to be, but nothing less than a tyrant. He did not spend 27 years in jail for no reason, as continuously maintained. One example of these untruthful presentations appeared in the London Independent, May 1993: “Nelson Mandela is a noble man ... imprisoned for 27 years for his dedication to the cause of Black majority in South Africa”. How much of such misrepresentation could be ascribed to naive parrot-talk and how much to deliberate capitalist and communist propaganda cannot easily be determined. [It is also wrong to speak of “black majority”, that is a very racist anti-national concept, because each volk (white or black) is independent of the other. As it is imperialist to support the idea of a “South Africa” unitary state, meaning the vast Empire established by international capitalism after have conquered the Boer Republics.] The truth is that he was not imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was merely an opponent of apartheid. He was there because he planned to overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it. In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom, het admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street bomb […] during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many more.

In spite of this he was built up to an icon and held up as “a man of reconciliation”, as “essentially moderate, a man of special discernment, a courageous freedom fighter”. His international praise singers went as far as comparing him to Moses and George Washington. Topping them all was the American negro, Jesse Jackson, who blasphemously lifted him to the level of Jesus Christ […]. It's important to remember that the post-1966 SA imperial government hardly ever tried to unmask the real Mandela or his share in the Rivonia conspiracy or his close bonds with the SACP (South African Communist Party), or to enlighten the public as to the aims of this alliance.

Left to right: Winnie Mandela, Nelson Mandela and Yossel Slovo
Left to right: Winnie Mandela, Nelson Mandela and Yossel Slovo.
This enormous communist flag was displayed at ANC mass rallies. Communist leaders such as the Jew Joe Slovo were not only present as dignitaries, but later occupied key posts within the ANC imperial government.


Pre-History of Mandela
Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later) Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the Biography published by the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker), near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family. His education started in the local mission school, from where he was sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate. Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated. According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare University (a former British fort, converted into a school by white “Christian” missionaries, the first African education institution open to non-whites. Since 1916 was a key institution of the Empire of southern Africa [established by international capitalism through British military power], to provide higher education for black Africans). Mandela entered at Fort Hare University as a BA-student, but was expelled for taking part in a protest boycott. In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to escape from an arranged marriage. There Walter Sisulu took him under his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially and encouraged him to join the African National Congress (ANC), which he did in 1943. According to the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his clerkship at the law firm of Lazar Sidelsky, a Jew. He completed his BA degree at Unisa (University of South Africa) in 1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he left in 1948. A few years later though he did pass the entrance examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.
The education system of the Empire of Southern Africa had instructed him, until he become a lawyer.

In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence. Five years later these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus effectively also of the ANC. Mandela was elected in 1949 to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the Youth League the following year. In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the “apartheid policy” of the RSA Empire to civil disobedience. These undermining activities regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended sentences which restricted his freedom of movement. Later, in 1952, he was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy President of the ANC. Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the first full time Secretary-General of the ANC. After the events at Sharpeville on 21st of March 1960, the organisation was banned and went underground. […] Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of the violence option to overthrow the SA Empire government, a fact confirmed by Bruno Mtolo, a Zulu who was canvassed by the SACP and then joined Umkhonto we Sizwe to be actively involved in acts of sabotage in Natal, in his book Umkonto we Sizwe THE ROAD TO THE LEFT […].

[…]

The current image of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo, founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in […] southern Africa.

In the same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in his book South Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and training facilities for ANC cadres. He also personally underwent military training in Algeria in 1962. Towards the end of that year, thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia. These youths were grossly deceived by their canvasser, and most of them were not aware that they were being sent on military training, says Bruno Mtolo. The recruits were not motivated politically, but by their adventurous spirit. The prospect of seeing the world and studying overseas was the carrot held before them. Most parents were also held in the dark and many of them would never see their children again (B Motolo, pp. 8, 9, 52 e 88).

In the same year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five years. In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed for life.

Mandela was married three times and divorced twice. His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker) from which four children were born. From his second marriage with Winnie Madikizela in June 1958 two daughters were born. On his 80th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.


Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle
Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects.

Bruno Mtolo deems that his strong personality made him stand out above all the other leaders, but also that the SACP was instrumental in transferring the cloak of leadership from Albert Luthuli to Mandela (B Mtolo, pp. 39-40). Clearly Mtolo had no great respect for the other leaders, because they lived in affluence and were chauffeured around in luxury cars while the foot-soldiers suffered the greatest misery. He even accuses them of dishonesty and duping of their followers (B Mtolo, pp. 11, 57, 58, 65, 74, 87, 130 and 153).

Winnie MandelaIt would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu) – which nation? -, “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and “The Madonna of the Left” the local and international capitalist-communist media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum. Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.

It is equally not clear where this idea of image building originated. Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental in obtaining Soviet support for southern Africa terrorist movements but later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South Africa. That in itself was not new, because the International Communist Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the organisation to a […] revolutionary movement in order to overthrow the White administration in order to establish a Soviet-backed communist regime. Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950. The USSR was of course also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism in the rest of Southern Africa.

[…] It was instead the Western countries like England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years. They also actively participated with the international Communist network in building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save South Africa (Empire) – the black Messiah […] to come. This active support of the ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence. How deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London […].

Un bambino vittima di un omicidio con “collana”

This child was a “necklace” murder victim. Take a car tire, some fuel, binding wire to keep the victim cooperative - and a match. The ANC's sole contribution to modern warfare.

Winnie Mandela

“With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country” - Winnie Mandela.
“Liberate this country” here means to establish an capitalist-communist empire over all southern Africa.


Rivonia: a [...] Conspiracy to Overthrow the SA Empire Government and establish a communist Empire over all southern Africa
[...] In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground. When it became known that South Africa Empire would become an imperial republic, the ANC convened the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a […] imperial convention, representative of all south Africans, without national distinctions (ie: no freedom for the nations of southern Africa). Should it be denied, a [...] strike would be staged in all southern Africa. This did take place in May 1961 and the insurgents were of the opinion that this strike was the beginning of the communist revolution in […] southern Africa, (Mtolo, p. 13), but it was effectively squashed by the government of RSA Empire. The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation [which nation?]) was established. On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence against RSA government institutions by means of sabotage. On the same day the […] southern Africa was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated progressively in the years to come. During 1963 pamphlets were even distributed amongst Whites. Most of the early acts of sabotage were planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ [a Jew] [...] flat in Johannesburg with Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.

Initially the South African imperial Police were unaware of the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks. Although they managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were. Meanwhile the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts on Radio Freedom from mid-1963. The situation changed overnight when an informant supplied the Johannesburg Security Police with details of the whereabouts of the MK leaders. On the 11th July 1963 in broad daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the 28ha farm of the Jew Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg, and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight Jews, four blacks and one Indian. Since Mandela was already in jail, Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator. With him and his wife Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested. Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed to skip […] southern Africa. The conspicuous role which Jews played in this communist complot follows a pattern which has been apparent in world history since the Russian revolution of 1917. The SACP moved its underground headquarters from Lilliesleaf to London.

Thanks to more information gained the police of the RSA Empire were able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few weeks later. This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an arms factory as well. A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View, Pretoria.

These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye (“come back”) in detail – the master plan for subverting the South African Empire government. The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela was the chief conspirator. Some of Mandela’s diaries were found, containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his struggle against […] the Empire of South Africa. In addition a large collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.

The accused first appeared in court on 9 October 1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963. The accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple, Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. To save his own skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats. Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils, Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled [...] southern Africa before they could be accused.

The accused faced charges of sabotage, including deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid of foreign armies. Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines and 210 000 hand grenades, large quantities of pipe, petrol and and bottle bombs. According to JPJ Coetzer (Secretary of Justice of the RSA Empire 1974-1979 and Director-General of Justice 1979-1984) the accused were to acquire a further 1 500 time-bomb fuses, 144 tons of ammonium nitrate, 26,6 tons of aluminium powder and 15 ton of black powder to launch their communist revolution (Coetzer, p. 127 as well as HD Stadler: The Other Side of the Story). These quantities would have been sufficient to destroy a city the size of Johannesburg, and were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.

Dr Percy Yutar (a Jew) appeared for the […] Empire, while Justice Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided. The accused were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ Joffe (a Jew) was the counselling attorney. Although the […] Empire identified 270 witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized, nor their revolutionary aims. Amongst the documents were 10 papers in Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups. Further divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground cells.

An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing. Operation Mayibuye was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare. Most probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China, Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution. Both Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of destructive instruments. For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye, was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and the setting of ambushes.

In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with. The attacks would take place mainly in the rural areas and to this end the […] RSA Empire was divided into four regions. Each region would be invaded by a guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month. On arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join them. It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the SACP. Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under communist rule would be a land of milk and honey […].

While the local cadres carried on with their undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be equipped and on standby to invade the […] RSA Empire. An interim government were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international labour unions to isolate the Republic. The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye (Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could be finalised successfully within six months, a wave of murder and grand scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the achievement of their aim. An aim that wasn't the liberation of the volk held prisoners in the RSA Empire, but the establishment of a communist Empire (loyal to international capitalism) over the whole southern Africa.

Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions (COSATU), the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.

Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus avoiding cross examination. Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through […] capitalist-communist channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.

During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die” speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was responsible for the final editing.

On 4 March 1964 the [...] RSA Empire closed its case and the court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to prepare their case. On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three minutes flat. The final version given later comprised 72 pages. Only Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail, fierce opponent of apartheid System of RSA Empire, had to agree that “the sentences pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.

This did not conclude the police investigation. Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them “whites” (with reference to skin color) and among them were many Jews.

Although this was a classic case of high treason and punishable under the imperial law of the day by death, the whole world was surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only. [...]  Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.

The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified because they were only opposing apartheid System of RSA Empire, yet Amnesty International declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since he was guilty of sabotage and violence. The South African Empire government did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his stance. He made this prophetic statement: “When they say they are glad Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader [of the Empire] in the future – then I say: God forbid.” (Main source of information regarding the Rivonia complot is from Lauritz Strydom's book Rivona – Masker Af!)

Church street bomb, 20 May, 1983

Church street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called "Umkhonto we Sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the Church street bomb shown above.


Mandela and Communism
During Mandela's discussion with African leaders in the early sixties to persuade them to co-operate in establishing an external army to invade […] southern Africa, he deliberated misled them into believing that the rebels against the South African Empire government were not communists. He did this because these heads of state were only prepared to assist if the rebels were not communists. He also told his followers that those leaders, because of their political and economical backwardness, did not really comprehend Marxism (by Moses Mordecai Levi, a Jew born in Germany, better known as “Karl Marx”). “He warned us not to let the other African states know that we were Communists … .” (B Mtolo, p. 38)

One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist, in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to […] communism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by the liberals, but only by revolution.
In reality, Communism is the politically correct opponent that international capitalism proposes for himself; because they have the same origin and the same aims.
Mandela
further maintains that studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues: “The Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.” This view was later endorsed by every local communist. It is not surprising that Moscow awarded Mandela the Lenin Peace Prize in April 1990 (Vladimir Shubin: ANC – A View from Moscow, p. 378). During the so-called “struggle” years Shubin, a prominent communist, was an important link between the ANC/SACP and the Kremlin. A blurb on the cover of his book reads: “What is undeniable, and quickly becomes apparent through the unfolding narratives of this richly documented book, is the debt owned to the USSR by the ANC for the unstinting assistance given so unselflessly and unhesitatingly over so many years” (Coetzer, p. 331). Mandela aligned himself with this statement when, on the 3rd of July 1991 he told a Soviet delegation: “Without your support we would not be where we are now” (Coetzer, p. 332).

However, not all ANC’s were impressed with Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were “infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the SACP”. How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis, Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the official organ of the American Communist Party. She quotes Brian Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of the SACP is also a member of the ANC.

Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers, Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case, over the future leadership of the ANC. At the Lusaka council held in January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”. This explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and thus never considered for the ANC presidency.

Mandela never made any secret of the close ties between the ANC and the SACP. In his first speech after his release in 1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one of our finest patriots”. The term “patriot” is used here in an absolutely improper way. Joe Slovo – a communist Jew migrated from Lithuania, historical leader of the Communist Party of South Africa (SAKP) didn't defend any fatherland, as Mandela. Both were aimed to establish a communist empire, which was to deny the right to fatherland to all volk of southern Africa.
Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and co-prisoners on Robben Island [...], Mandela preference for communists clearly showed in his cabinet and other appointments after the 10th May 1994. Steve Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel, Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter. Chris Hani declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support of most of his comrades. Hani puts it this way in the International Express, 4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.

Mandela has never Denounced Violence
Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities belies this image. Apart from the communists and [...] racist White-haters which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions in the “new” Empire of southern Africa (“new” RSA Empire), his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the […] Whites, and for the Boers in particular. Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous imperial government, reflects his attitude towards the [...] Whites. No truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the [...] Whites and rewrite history.
The court of the new emperors new was illegitimate, as it was illegitimate the Empire of which they had taken control.


It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47 [...]. Aida Parker says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if ever played any role in his actions”. As early as 1961 Mandela declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force.” This statement about imperial government action is also not true. Should terrorists, saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves? The government acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted with. Any other government would have done the same.

Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be achieved by violence only. In order to mobilise them Mandela himself told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK. This recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela should take full blame for the violence which erupted over [...] southern Africa, and persists to this day. The extent of the carnage is illustrated by these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770 schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed. During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the barbarous “necklace” method [...].  

The killing and mayhem has never stopped and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in the “new” Empire of  South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies, hijackings and house breaking. Two million crimes are being committed annually of which less than half are ever solved, because un large number of police are incompetent and corrupt. [...]

That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001 by the then Commissioner of imperial Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in South Africa. Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are thriving in South Africa, and that this […] empire has indeed become the crime Mecca of the world. That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich. It is a more advanced stage of capitalism-communism, with the great wealth of southern Africa who have remained in the hands of international capitalism.

After it became known that Mandela was to receive the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his R3,1 million to MK. That is the man who, according to the international media, is an ardent promoter of peace!

This child was an ANC landmine victim

This child was an ANC landmine victim. Smuggling in thousands of landmines was one of the charges which landed Mandela in prison.


The National Party (NP) and Mandela
Mandela go home: Transkei. Pretoria, 1990On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be released, despite the continuing violence in […] southern Africa. Interesting to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27 wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would settle in the Transkei (where he was born) with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima. Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the NP’s homeland policy – White afrikaner policy which provided a sort of autonomy or independence for each volk of southern Africa, with the exception of the only white volk, the Boer volk.
Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the […] RSA Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s release. Mandela again refused.

In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town. In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South Africa did not allow it. It appears that Mandela knew all about these discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice. Thereafter he was transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee started in 1986. It is reported that the government went as far as to secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile. Even a chef was appointed to cook to his desire. During December 1988 he was transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near Paarl. Chris Hani, a hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung, believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an appointment when he felt like it.

PW Botha - Prime Minister of the RSA Empire from 1978 to 1984, and President from 1984 to 1989; predecessor of FW de Klerk and loyal servant of U.S. interests in Africa - was also eager to free Mandela and invited him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989. Botha was willing to release him the moment he denounced violence. Although Mandela indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans. It would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which led to the founding of MK. Mandela never denounced violence, yet De Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned organisations like the ANC and SACP. Belatedly, in December 2010, De Klerk admits in an article published in a local daily, that Mandela was dishonest during the […] transition process (from the “old” to the “new” RSA Empire), and never renounced violence. Despite this admission, De Klerk's article still presents Mandela as a hero. (Beeld, 27 December 2010, FW De Klerk: Mandela tóé nie opreg oor geweld).

During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the Communist Party of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa Empire will get a communist government. It is unthinkable that the South African Empire government did not take notice. Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other radicals in the ANC/SACP. Thus the NP did everything in its power to present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate. Even the Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any ANC activities which would impair this image. When the Aida Parker Newsletter wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they tried to prevent it, fortunately without success. Naturally the NP also hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.

We are still enjoying the results of this surrender politics. Not only has [...] southern Africa been destroyed and transformed from a first world country to a third world dump, but the process is unabated. It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution, as planned by the ANC/SACP.  [...]

Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC imperial regime is corrupt and incompetent. Shortly after the ANC takeover, British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in the Spectator of February 1995: “South Africa is a country [Empire. Ed.] afflicted by crime and corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty stricken and carnal existence”. [...] Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought! How can such a terrorist, who has struggled to create a communist empire, be regarded as a hero?

Necklacing


Conclusion
Not only has the deterioration on all levels escalated since 1994, but 30 000 [other sources say more than 40,000] Whites have been murdered, often in the most ghastly manner. The murder of Eugene Terre'Blanche […] recently (April 2010) is a good example. The policy of “affirmative action” is the most inhumane racial discrimination against Whites. The fact that so many [...] whites, mainly Boers, have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment, has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually. It is estimated that 10% of […] afrikaans-speaking whites have been reduced to beggary in squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that. The vast majority of them are Boers. [...]

It is ironic that people should clamour to declare 18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk. Now one understands why […] JHWH revealed in the Bible that there will be difficult times ahead for His Sons, times [...] when wrong will be right and the lie will be the truth.

 
4. The Republic of Natalia PDF Print E-mail

Book: Boerestaat, by Robert van Tonder
First English Edition [1977]

Contents

Chapter 4

The Republic of Natalia

In 1837 Retief and his followers migrated to Natal and negotiated with the paramount chief of the Zulus to purchase land from him. Dingane allotted the area between the Tugela and the Umzimvubu rivers to them on the condition that they recover several thousand head of stolen cattle from another black chief by the name of Sekonyela. Retief succeeded in the undertaking and the land [...] was granted to them.

Dingane under incitement by the reverend Robert Owen, stationed at Umgungundlhovu, and political threats by Captain Gardiner, the British Commissioner of Port Natal, violated the agreement by murdering Retief and his party of 65 men and 5 boys during a “celebration in their honour”. This he followed up by sending his Army to murder the Boere wherever they found them. The Boere regrouped under Andries Pretorius and routed the Zulus during the great battle of Blood river on December 16th 1838.

Thereafter, we Boere, although we could have taken all of Dingane's land through the recognised right of conquest, settled only the land had been acquired through the agreement between Retief and Dingane. By 1840 we had founded the Republic of Natalia with Pieter Maritzburg as capital. Exposed coal seams were soon discovered and mined. George Napier, the British Governor of the Cape Colony, got wind of it and in January of 1842 Sir George Napier issued a proclamation in respect of the annexation of Natal. In his reply on behalf of the Faulk's Council J.N. Boshoff, who later become President of the Republic of the Orange Free State, summed up the grievances leading up to the emigration as follows:

“To quote a few examples: who was it that imposed the increasingly evil results of slavery on us? Who was it that assured us of our property rights in that respect? Was it not the same Government that later stripped us of the same and in such a way that we had not the slightest say as to what would have been the best and most suitable procedure? Who was it that promised us full compensation for our slaves? Was it not the same Government that cheated us out of two thirds of the actual value and then exposed us to the avariciousness of profit-hungry dealers that enriched themselves at our cost? Who was it that employed us, at no payment and at our own cost, to protect the borders of the Colony against the hostile, bellicose and rapacious Kafirs? Was it not the same Government that later on denied us any right to compensation by wrongfully asserting that we had brought the Kafirs' vengeance upon ourselves by robbing them? Who deprived us of the best Governor we ever had simply because he, as a man with a conscience, defended the wronged Cape Colonists and, by punishing their destructive enemies, sought their essential safety and protection? Who saddled us with political speculators bound over to impose on us border arrangements that continually exposed us to being robbed and threatened by the Kafirs with impunity, accompanied by excessively high cost to be recouped from the purse of the already ruined farmer? Was it not the Government that opened the country to roving vagabonds leading an unemployed, savage way of life garnering their livelihood form the livestock and other properties of the already over-stressed farmer? Through which course the farmer, stuck without labour, or if he had labour, denuded of all authority, of which the colonists are still complaining, was robbed of all hope, so that he, all his remonstrations and petitions remaining unanswered and ignored, was left with the darkest possible future view.

“All these evils we ascribe to this one cause, namely the lack of representative government that was refused us by the executive authority of the same faulk who consider this privilege one of their holiest civil rights and for which every true Briton would lay down his life.”

By 1845 we Boere gave up hope of reaching a reasonable agreement with the British and so the migration over the Berg [10] into Potgieter's territory – the Transvaal and the [Orange. Ed.] Free State – took place.


10. The Drakensberg

Chapter 3 - Contents - Chapter 5

 
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