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Boerevolkstaat
7. The 1914 Rebellion PDF Print E-mail

 

Book: Boerestaat, by Robert van Tonder
First English Edition [1977]

Contents

Chapter 7

The 1914 Rebellion

General Koos de la Rey

General KOOS DE LA REY, the lion of West Transvaal and fervent patriot, who wanted to reinstate the independence of the Boere Republics in 1914. He was assassinated in Johannesburg, by order of general Smuts, under pretext of a raid on the Foster gang.

Just as the Irish saw an opportunity in the First World War to rid themselves of centuries of British rule so our Boere faulk realised here was an opportunity to regain our freedom. Britain was tied up in the Great War against Germany and our Boere faulk seized the opportunity which resulted in the epic 1914 Rebellion.
But two Anglicised ex-Boere leaders, Louis Botha and Jan Smuts, turned against their own blood and used British troops to suppress a popular revolt.

During the peace negotiations of Versailles in 1919 our Boere leaders tried yet again to have our old republican freedom reinstated. Woodrow Wilson, the then president of the U.S.A. issued his famous 14 point program in which the freedom of every faulk, no matter how small, was expressed as an inalienable right. Our Boere leaders of the time sent a freedom delegation to Versailles to request the reinstatement of our former Boere Republics and take note NOT the transformation of the Union of South Africa into a Republic of South Africa! The deputation comprised genl J B M Hertzog, dr D F Malan, dr E G Jansen, Mr N C Havenga, senator A D W Wolmarans, Mr A T Spies and advocate F W Beyers. Our leaders realised by that time that a Republic comprising the entire South Africa would not ensure Boere freedom. It has taken us more than sixty years to rediscover this truth after having 'enjoyed' so-called republican freedom in the British designed R.S.A. framework!

The deputation was unsuccessful because, at the instigation of the British prime minister Lloyd George, president Wilson refused the deputation an interview. However, all the other deputations from small faulks were readily interviewed. The Irish were more fortunate because the pressure that the influential Irish community in the U.S.A. could bring to bear on Wilson to help them regain Irish independence. Ireland regained partial independence in 1922 when the independent Eire was established. Since then they have been fighting to free Northern Ireland and it would seem as though the British are gradually succumbing to the Irish Republican Army. 20,000 British troops are continuously kept engaged in Northern Ireland!

La Delegazione per la Libertà - Febbraio 1919

After the return of the freedom deputation our Boere leaders made a grave error of judgement. Up until this time they had aimed at the reinstatement of our free Boere Republics. But now they resigned themselves to the terms dictated to them by Lloyd George and accepted the Milner-designed [15] political structure of the Union of South Africa as a fait accompli. Here they seriously digressed from the ideal the emigrant Boere (the Voortrekkers) consistently strove to achieve, namely, a Free and Independent Boere state. Since 1919 therefor, our Boere faulk has been fighting a futile battle as unidentifiable [16] 'South Africans' in a multinational and multiracial sea in which there is no hope of survival.

But our leaders should not be judged too harshly for their error of judgement at that time. In 1919 our Boere faulk was still impoverished to virtual destitution. The British regime of general Smuts persecuted the Rebels venomously. They were heavily fined and had long prison sentences imposed on them and our impoverished faulk, that had by no means yet recovered from the destruction of the British War of 1899 to 1902 [Second Anglo-Boer War. Ed], had to dig deep into their pockets to assist their compatriots. Our ideals had to be temporarily shelved in order to provide our people with jobs and food.



15. Milner's thinking before the British War [Second Anglo-Boer War. Ed]: ‘War was the only means. Britain would annex both republics for the Empire. That would finally ‘knock the bottom out of ˮthe great ’Afrikander’ nationˮ for ever and ever Amen’. ‘The ultimate endʼ, he confided to his ally Percy Fizpatrick, ‘is a self-governing White Community, supported by well-treated and justly governed black labour from Cape Town to the Zambezi.’ ‘The Boer War’ by Thomas Pakenham p. 118 - 119
16. IDENTIFY - 1 To ascertain the nature or supposed identity of. 2 To consider or treat as the same or identical.
IDENTITY - 1 The state of being identical or absolutely the same; selfsameness.

Chapter 6 - Contents - Chapter 8

Text by Volkstaat.org

The whole history of the Boers, since they germinated as volk on the Cape Frontier until the birth of the main Boer Republics (Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek, Orange Free State, Vryheid), was a series of rebellions against their oppressors, sometimes peaceful (with migration) sometimes bloody (for example: the small Rebellion at Slagters Nek in the 1815-16). But these episodes, along with battles and brief republican experiences, are to be considered as parts of a period that ended with the independence of the Boers in their historical Republics, and can be identified as a Boer's Struggle of Independence.

Some supporters of the cause of the Boer volk think that the term rebellion, with reference to the Boer Rebellion of 1914-15, is improper, since the Boers, as volk, were not rebels but a nation that was trying to get rid of in order to regain the  independence that foreign forces had wrongfully taken. But the fact remains that the Boers, in a historical period in which they no longer had their own state, rebelled against the yoke of the foreigner, for which the term rebellion is maybe the most appropriate,  to classify the different Boer's post-1902 liberation struggles.
The Boer Rebellion of 1914-15 can be classified as First Boer Rebellion, since it was followed by others, in different times and different ways.

Louis Botha e Jan Smuts (Unione del Sudafrica)The Rebellion of 1914-15 opposed the Boers to the Union of South Africa, the macrostate forged by international capitalism in southern Africa, after to have conquered the Boer republics, through British military force. After to have fought two wars against the British Army (the Anglo-Boer wars) the Boers were facing a different enemy. The emblems were always those of the British Empire, but under them served different people: in majority Cape Dutch, then British and some former Boers (who took up arms against their own blood, proving to be not longer part of the Boer volk).
In 1914, when the Boers rebelled against the Union, Gen. Louis Botha (a Boer, but born in the British colony of Natal) was the Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. His governments were composed of Cape Dutch and British. The vast majority of ministers were born in the British colony of the Cape, some in the British colony of Natal. The only minister born in a Boer Republic, had been educated in different British schools, in southern Africa and in London [1], where he qualified as a mining engineer. Among the ministers there were prominent members of the Afrikaner Bond and of the Anglo-American Corporation, with close relations with Oppenheimers. That is: all the forces that had strangled the Boer republics and exterminated their children in the concentration camps.
Gen. Jan Smuts (a Cape Dutch, who had fought for the Boer cause during the Second Anglo-Boer War, as well as many other foreigners from all over the world), at the outbreak of the Boer Rebellion of 1914-15 was the Minister of Defence, Interior and Finance for the Union of South Africa. Loyal to its new state, gen. Jan Smuts ordered the assassination of the Boer general Koos de la Rey [2].

The so-called ‘Freedom Deputation’ was formed in 1919 by Nasionale Party (NP). It was not a Boer deputation, because it was composed almost entirely of non-Boers. The same J.B.M. Hertzog, head of the deputation, although he had served the cause of the Boer in war, was a Cape Dutch (then he will become, indeed, one of the greatest supporters of the Union of South Africa). Among the delegates there were not veterans of the Boer Rebellion of 1914-15. Those who had participated in the Boer Rebellion, in fact, had been assassinated (as General Koos de la Rey [2] or as “Jopie” Fourie, executed by a firing squad of the Union of South Africa) or had been convicted, fined, imprisoned, and excluded from political life.
The deputation was activated in 1919 to free southern Africa from British rule, subservient to international capitalism. It claimed the restoration of the independence of the Boer republics, as them were before the Second Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) , and self-determination for Natal and the Cape [3]. Not a single state, but several states, independent of each other.

Jopie Fourie, Boer martyr

The call to free all southern Africa, so also the Cape and Natal, from British rule, had been launched at the time of the Boer Rebellion (1914-15). In the Proclamation of Maritz, released by S. G. Maritz on December 16, 1914, all whites in southern Africa were called to take up arms to free the whole southern Africa. But only the Boers rebelled, for to follow in war their leaders: S. G. Maritz; Christiaan Rudolph de Wet (Boer general who had fought the British during the First and Second Anglo-Boer War, and had been Acting State President of the Orange Free State), Christian Frederick Beyers (Boer general who had fought for the Boer Republic ZAR during the Second Anglo-Boer War) and Jan Christoffel Greyling Kemp (Boer general of the Second Anglo-Boer War).

Gen. S. G. “Manie” Maritz, head of the First Boer Rebellion, was a staunch supporter of the Boer independence. In 1940 - about 38 years after the conquest of the Boer republics, in a state/empire that had done everything to erase the Boer identity, classifying indiscriminately as 'Afrikaner' both the Dutch Cape and the Boers - Gen. Manie Maritz took the leadership of the National Socialist political organization Die Boerenasie, whose main goal was to get back to have a Boer republic, namely: the Boerestaat [4] (Boer state). Gen. “Manie” Maritz denounced the occupation of the Ossewa Brandwag (OB) by Afrikaner Freemasonry (the Broederbond) [5], aimed at altering its objectives and nature. For his political activities he was opposed by British and Jewish press, and by Freemasons.
Gen. Manie Maritz died December 20, 1940, in a car accident in front of the prison of Pretoria. Some believe, however, that would have been murdered, and that the government of the Union of South Africa would have been the instigator. There are many similarities with the assassination of General De La Rey [2], at the time of the First Boer Rebellion.

The death of General Manie Maritz, who had led the Boers during their First Rebellion, arrived just during a series of South Africans historical events (contemporary World War II) that we can classify as the Second Boer Rebellion. Boer Rebellion and not 'Afrikaner' rebellion, because although all had done to confuse and to erase the Boer identity, for to replace it with an artificial 'Afrikaner' identity (including also the Cape Dutch), the 1939-1945 Rebels were Boers (ie biological and spiritual descendants of the Trekboers, of the Voortrekkers, and of the Boers of the Boer Republics), as well as their flags (those of the Boer Republics), their commemorations (particularly: the Great Trek, Bloukrans, the Blood River, Majuba, Paardekraal, Jopie Fourie [6]) and their Cause (that of the Trekboers and the Voortrekkers [7]: the Boerestaat, the Boer Republics [8]).

Generale Manie Maritz - Die Dappere Boodskapper

1. Evening Post, October 6, 1913, p. 3.
2. Boerestaat, by Robert van Tonder, 1977.
3. The Examiner, June 19, 1919.
4. Die Dappere Boodskapper, official mouthpiece of the Die Boerenasie op Nasionaal-Sosialistiese Grondslag, number 4, January 27, 1941, p. 5.
5. Die Dappere Boodskapper, official mouthpiece of the Die Boerenasie op Nasionaal-Sosialistiese Grondslag, number 4, January 27, 1941, p. 1.
6. The Rise of the Afrikanerdom, T. Dunbar Moodie, 1975 , p. 224.
7. The Rise of the Afrikanerdom, T. Dunbar Moodie, 1975 , p. 216.
8. Die Vaderland , December 23, 1942.

 
Nelson Mandela PDF Print E-mail
Friday, 06 December 2013 07:07

 

The following text (mostly already published on the HNP website) is taken from the book “Die Mandela Legende – The Mandela Legend” by Dr PW Möller. Is a biography of Nelson Mandela, historical communist terrorist of the African National Congress (ANC), and first black president of the “new” Empire of the Republic of South Africa (RSA).
The green text is by Volkstaat.org.


Introduction
Nelson MandelaWebster defines a legend as “a story generally of a marvellous character, told respecting a saint”. It has an historical background, but is often padded and tainted by fantasy. In Mandela’s case, when the facts are viewed realistically and objectively, any sensible person will no longer see a saint, but a fantasy blown up to something supernatural. It will become clear that a false image of the so-called beloved Madiba is being presented to the world. He is by no means the peace-loving, gentle daddy he is made out to be, but nothing less than a tyrant. He did not spend 27 years in jail for no reason, as continuously maintained. One example of these untruthful presentations appeared in the London Independent, May 1993: “Nelson Mandela is a noble man ... imprisoned for 27 years for his dedication to the cause of Black majority in South Africa”. How much of such misrepresentation could be ascribed to naive parrot-talk and how much to deliberate capitalist and communist propaganda cannot easily be determined. [It is also wrong to speak of “black majority”, that is a very racist anti-national concept, because each volk (white or black) is independent of the other. As it is imperialist to support the idea of a “South Africa” unitary state, meaning the vast Empire established by international capitalism after have conquered the Boer Republics.] The truth is that he was not imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was merely an opponent of apartheid. He was there because he planned to overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it. In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom, het admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street bomb […] during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many more.

In spite of this he was built up to an icon and held up as “a man of reconciliation”, as “essentially moderate, a man of special discernment, a courageous freedom fighter”. His international praise singers went as far as comparing him to Moses and George Washington. Topping them all was the American negro, Jesse Jackson, who blasphemously lifted him to the level of Jesus Christ […]. It's important to remember that the post-1966 SA imperial government hardly ever tried to unmask the real Mandela or his share in the Rivonia conspiracy or his close bonds with the SACP (South African Communist Party), or to enlighten the public as to the aims of this alliance.

Left to right: Winnie Mandela, Nelson Mandela and Yossel Slovo
Left to right: Winnie Mandela, Nelson Mandela and Yossel Slovo.
This enormous communist flag was displayed at ANC mass rallies. Communist leaders such as the Jew Joe Slovo were not only present as dignitaries, but later occupied key posts within the ANC imperial government.


Pre-History of Mandela
Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later) Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the Biography published by the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker), near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family. His education started in the local mission school, from where he was sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate. Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated. According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare University (a former British fort, converted into a school by white “Christian” missionaries, the first African education institution open to non-whites. Since 1916 was a key institution of the Empire of southern Africa [established by international capitalism through British military power], to provide higher education for black Africans). Mandela entered at Fort Hare University as a BA-student, but was expelled for taking part in a protest boycott. In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to escape from an arranged marriage. There Walter Sisulu took him under his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially and encouraged him to join the African National Congress (ANC), which he did in 1943. According to the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his clerkship at the law firm of Lazar Sidelsky, a Jew. He completed his BA degree at Unisa (University of South Africa) in 1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he left in 1948. A few years later though he did pass the entrance examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.
The education system of the Empire of Southern Africa had instructed him, until he become a lawyer.

In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence. Five years later these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus effectively also of the ANC. Mandela was elected in 1949 to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the Youth League the following year. In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the “apartheid policy” of the RSA Empire to civil disobedience. These undermining activities regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended sentences which restricted his freedom of movement. Later, in 1952, he was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy President of the ANC. Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the first full time Secretary-General of the ANC. After the events at Sharpeville on 21st of March 1960, the organisation was banned and went underground. […] Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of the violence option to overthrow the SA Empire government, a fact confirmed by Bruno Mtolo, a Zulu who was canvassed by the SACP and then joined Umkhonto we Sizwe to be actively involved in acts of sabotage in Natal, in his book Umkonto we Sizwe THE ROAD TO THE LEFT […].

[…]

The current image of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo, founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in […] southern Africa.

In the same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in his book South Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and training facilities for ANC cadres. He also personally underwent military training in Algeria in 1962. Towards the end of that year, thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia. These youths were grossly deceived by their canvasser, and most of them were not aware that they were being sent on military training, says Bruno Mtolo. The recruits were not motivated politically, but by their adventurous spirit. The prospect of seeing the world and studying overseas was the carrot held before them. Most parents were also held in the dark and many of them would never see their children again (B Motolo, pp. 8, 9, 52 e 88).

In the same year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five years. In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed for life.

Mandela was married three times and divorced twice. His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker) from which four children were born. From his second marriage with Winnie Madikizela in June 1958 two daughters were born. On his 80th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.


Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle
Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects.

Bruno Mtolo deems that his strong personality made him stand out above all the other leaders, but also that the SACP was instrumental in transferring the cloak of leadership from Albert Luthuli to Mandela (B Mtolo, pp. 39-40). Clearly Mtolo had no great respect for the other leaders, because they lived in affluence and were chauffeured around in luxury cars while the foot-soldiers suffered the greatest misery. He even accuses them of dishonesty and duping of their followers (B Mtolo, pp. 11, 57, 58, 65, 74, 87, 130 and 153).

Winnie MandelaIt would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu) – which nation? -, “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and “The Madonna of the Left” the local and international capitalist-communist media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum. Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.

It is equally not clear where this idea of image building originated. Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental in obtaining Soviet support for southern Africa terrorist movements but later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South Africa. That in itself was not new, because the International Communist Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the organisation to a […] revolutionary movement in order to overthrow the White administration in order to establish a Soviet-backed communist regime. Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950. The USSR was of course also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism in the rest of Southern Africa.

[…] It was instead the Western countries like England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years. They also actively participated with the international Communist network in building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save South Africa (Empire) – the black Messiah […] to come. This active support of the ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence. How deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London […].

Un bambino vittima di un omicidio con “collana”

This child was a “necklace” murder victim. Take a car tire, some fuel, binding wire to keep the victim cooperative - and a match. The ANC's sole contribution to modern warfare.

Winnie Mandela

“With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country” - Winnie Mandela.
“Liberate this country” here means to establish an capitalist-communist empire over all southern Africa.


Rivonia: a [...] Conspiracy to Overthrow the SA Empire Government and establish a communist Empire over all southern Africa
[...] In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground. When it became known that South Africa Empire would become an imperial republic, the ANC convened the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a […] imperial convention, representative of all south Africans, without national distinctions (ie: no freedom for the nations of southern Africa). Should it be denied, a [...] strike would be staged in all southern Africa. This did take place in May 1961 and the insurgents were of the opinion that this strike was the beginning of the communist revolution in […] southern Africa, (Mtolo, p. 13), but it was effectively squashed by the government of RSA Empire. The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation [which nation?]) was established. On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence against RSA government institutions by means of sabotage. On the same day the […] southern Africa was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated progressively in the years to come. During 1963 pamphlets were even distributed amongst Whites. Most of the early acts of sabotage were planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ [a Jew] [...] flat in Johannesburg with Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.

Initially the South African imperial Police were unaware of the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks. Although they managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were. Meanwhile the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts on Radio Freedom from mid-1963. The situation changed overnight when an informant supplied the Johannesburg Security Police with details of the whereabouts of the MK leaders. On the 11th July 1963 in broad daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the 28ha farm of the Jew Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg, and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight Jews, four blacks and one Indian. Since Mandela was already in jail, Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator. With him and his wife Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested. Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed to skip […] southern Africa. The conspicuous role which Jews played in this communist complot follows a pattern which has been apparent in world history since the Russian revolution of 1917. The SACP moved its underground headquarters from Lilliesleaf to London.

Thanks to more information gained the police of the RSA Empire were able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few weeks later. This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an arms factory as well. A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View, Pretoria.

These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye (“come back”) in detail – the master plan for subverting the South African Empire government. The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela was the chief conspirator. Some of Mandela’s diaries were found, containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his struggle against […] the Empire of South Africa. In addition a large collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.

The accused first appeared in court on 9 October 1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963. The accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple, Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. To save his own skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats. Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils, Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled [...] southern Africa before they could be accused.

The accused faced charges of sabotage, including deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid of foreign armies. Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines and 210 000 hand grenades, large quantities of pipe, petrol and and bottle bombs. According to JPJ Coetzer (Secretary of Justice of the RSA Empire 1974-1979 and Director-General of Justice 1979-1984) the accused were to acquire a further 1 500 time-bomb fuses, 144 tons of ammonium nitrate, 26,6 tons of aluminium powder and 15 ton of black powder to launch their communist revolution (Coetzer, p. 127 as well as HD Stadler: The Other Side of the Story). These quantities would have been sufficient to destroy a city the size of Johannesburg, and were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.

Dr Percy Yutar (a Jew) appeared for the […] Empire, while Justice Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided. The accused were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ Joffe (a Jew) was the counselling attorney. Although the […] Empire identified 270 witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized, nor their revolutionary aims. Amongst the documents were 10 papers in Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups. Further divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground cells.

An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing. Operation Mayibuye was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare. Most probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China, Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution. Both Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of destructive instruments. For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye, was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and the setting of ambushes.

In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with. The attacks would take place mainly in the rural areas and to this end the […] RSA Empire was divided into four regions. Each region would be invaded by a guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month. On arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join them. It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the SACP. Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under communist rule would be a land of milk and honey […].

While the local cadres carried on with their undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be equipped and on standby to invade the […] RSA Empire. An interim government were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international labour unions to isolate the Republic. The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye (Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could be finalised successfully within six months, a wave of murder and grand scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the achievement of their aim. An aim that wasn't the liberation of the volk held prisoners in the RSA Empire, but the establishment of a communist Empire (loyal to international capitalism) over the whole southern Africa.

Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions (COSATU), the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.

Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus avoiding cross examination. Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through […] capitalist-communist channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.

During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die” speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was responsible for the final editing.

On 4 March 1964 the [...] RSA Empire closed its case and the court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to prepare their case. On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three minutes flat. The final version given later comprised 72 pages. Only Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail, fierce opponent of apartheid System of RSA Empire, had to agree that “the sentences pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.

This did not conclude the police investigation. Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them “whites” (with reference to skin color) and among them were many Jews.

Although this was a classic case of high treason and punishable under the imperial law of the day by death, the whole world was surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only. [...]  Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.

The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified because they were only opposing apartheid System of RSA Empire, yet Amnesty International declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since he was guilty of sabotage and violence. The South African Empire government did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his stance. He made this prophetic statement: “When they say they are glad Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader [of the Empire] in the future – then I say: God forbid.” (Main source of information regarding the Rivonia complot is from Lauritz Strydom's book Rivona – Masker Af!)

Church street bomb, 20 May, 1983

Church street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called "Umkhonto we Sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the Church street bomb shown above.


Mandela and Communism
During Mandela's discussion with African leaders in the early sixties to persuade them to co-operate in establishing an external army to invade […] southern Africa, he deliberated misled them into believing that the rebels against the South African Empire government were not communists. He did this because these heads of state were only prepared to assist if the rebels were not communists. He also told his followers that those leaders, because of their political and economical backwardness, did not really comprehend Marxism (by Moses Mordecai Levi, a Jew born in Germany, better known as “Karl Marx”). “He warned us not to let the other African states know that we were Communists … .” (B Mtolo, p. 38)

One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist, in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to […] communism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by the liberals, but only by revolution.
In reality, Communism is the politically correct opponent that international capitalism proposes for himself; because they have the same origin and the same aims.
Mandela
further maintains that studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues: “The Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.” This view was later endorsed by every local communist. It is not surprising that Moscow awarded Mandela the Lenin Peace Prize in April 1990 (Vladimir Shubin: ANC – A View from Moscow, p. 378). During the so-called “struggle” years Shubin, a prominent communist, was an important link between the ANC/SACP and the Kremlin. A blurb on the cover of his book reads: “What is undeniable, and quickly becomes apparent through the unfolding narratives of this richly documented book, is the debt owned to the USSR by the ANC for the unstinting assistance given so unselflessly and unhesitatingly over so many years” (Coetzer, p. 331). Mandela aligned himself with this statement when, on the 3rd of July 1991 he told a Soviet delegation: “Without your support we would not be where we are now” (Coetzer, p. 332).

However, not all ANC’s were impressed with Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were “infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the SACP”. How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis, Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the official organ of the American Communist Party. She quotes Brian Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of the SACP is also a member of the ANC.

Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers, Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case, over the future leadership of the ANC. At the Lusaka council held in January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”. This explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and thus never considered for the ANC presidency.

Mandela never made any secret of the close ties between the ANC and the SACP. In his first speech after his release in 1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one of our finest patriots”. The term “patriot” is used here in an absolutely improper way. Joe Slovo – a communist Jew migrated from Lithuania, historical leader of the Communist Party of South Africa (SAKP) didn't defend any fatherland, as Mandela. Both were aimed to establish a communist empire, which was to deny the right to fatherland to all volk of southern Africa.
Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and co-prisoners on Robben Island [...], Mandela preference for communists clearly showed in his cabinet and other appointments after the 10th May 1994. Steve Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel, Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter. Chris Hani declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support of most of his comrades. Hani puts it this way in the International Express, 4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.

Mandela has never Denounced Violence
Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities belies this image. Apart from the communists and [...] racist White-haters which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions in the “new” Empire of southern Africa (“new” RSA Empire), his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the […] Whites, and for the Boers in particular. Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous imperial government, reflects his attitude towards the [...] Whites. No truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the [...] Whites and rewrite history.
The court of the new emperors new was illegitimate, as it was illegitimate the Empire of which they had taken control.


It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47 [...]. Aida Parker says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if ever played any role in his actions”. As early as 1961 Mandela declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force.” This statement about imperial government action is also not true. Should terrorists, saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves? The government acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted with. Any other government would have done the same.

Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be achieved by violence only. In order to mobilise them Mandela himself told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK. This recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela should take full blame for the violence which erupted over [...] southern Africa, and persists to this day. The extent of the carnage is illustrated by these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770 schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed. During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the barbarous “necklace” method [...].  

The killing and mayhem has never stopped and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in the “new” Empire of  South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies, hijackings and house breaking. Two million crimes are being committed annually of which less than half are ever solved, because un large number of police are incompetent and corrupt. [...]

That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001 by the then Commissioner of imperial Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in South Africa. Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are thriving in South Africa, and that this […] empire has indeed become the crime Mecca of the world. That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich. It is a more advanced stage of capitalism-communism, with the great wealth of southern Africa who have remained in the hands of international capitalism.

After it became known that Mandela was to receive the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his R3,1 million to MK. That is the man who, according to the international media, is an ardent promoter of peace!

This child was an ANC landmine victim

This child was an ANC landmine victim. Smuggling in thousands of landmines was one of the charges which landed Mandela in prison.


The National Party (NP) and Mandela
Mandela go home: Transkei. Pretoria, 1990On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be released, despite the continuing violence in […] southern Africa. Interesting to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27 wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would settle in the Transkei (where he was born) with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima. Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the NP’s homeland policy – White afrikaner policy which provided a sort of autonomy or independence for each volk of southern Africa, with the exception of the only white volk, the Boer volk.
Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the […] RSA Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s release. Mandela again refused.

In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town. In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South Africa did not allow it. It appears that Mandela knew all about these discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice. Thereafter he was transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee started in 1986. It is reported that the government went as far as to secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile. Even a chef was appointed to cook to his desire. During December 1988 he was transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near Paarl. Chris Hani, a hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung, believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an appointment when he felt like it.

PW Botha - Prime Minister of the RSA Empire from 1978 to 1984, and President from 1984 to 1989; predecessor of FW de Klerk and loyal servant of U.S. interests in Africa - was also eager to free Mandela and invited him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989. Botha was willing to release him the moment he denounced violence. Although Mandela indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans. It would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which led to the founding of MK. Mandela never denounced violence, yet De Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned organisations like the ANC and SACP. Belatedly, in December 2010, De Klerk admits in an article published in a local daily, that Mandela was dishonest during the […] transition process (from the “old” to the “new” RSA Empire), and never renounced violence. Despite this admission, De Klerk's article still presents Mandela as a hero. (Beeld, 27 December 2010, FW De Klerk: Mandela tóé nie opreg oor geweld).

During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the Communist Party of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa Empire will get a communist government. It is unthinkable that the South African Empire government did not take notice. Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other radicals in the ANC/SACP. Thus the NP did everything in its power to present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate. Even the Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any ANC activities which would impair this image. When the Aida Parker Newsletter wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they tried to prevent it, fortunately without success. Naturally the NP also hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.

We are still enjoying the results of this surrender politics. Not only has [...] southern Africa been destroyed and transformed from a first world country to a third world dump, but the process is unabated. It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution, as planned by the ANC/SACP.  [...]

Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC imperial regime is corrupt and incompetent. Shortly after the ANC takeover, British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in the Spectator of February 1995: “South Africa is a country [Empire. Ed.] afflicted by crime and corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty stricken and carnal existence”. [...] Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought! How can such a terrorist, who has struggled to create a communist empire, be regarded as a hero?

Necklacing


Conclusion
Not only has the deterioration on all levels escalated since 1994, but 30 000 [other sources say more than 40,000] Whites have been murdered, often in the most ghastly manner. The murder of Eugene Terre'Blanche […] recently (April 2010) is a good example. The policy of “affirmative action” is the most inhumane racial discrimination against Whites. The fact that so many [...] whites, mainly Boers, have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment, has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually. It is estimated that 10% of […] afrikaans-speaking whites have been reduced to beggary in squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that. The vast majority of them are Boers. [...]

It is ironic that people should clamour to declare 18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk. Now one understands why […] JHWH revealed in the Bible that there will be difficult times ahead for His Sons, times [...] when wrong will be right and the lie will be the truth.

 
Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993 PDF Print E-mail
Thursday, 25 July 2013 07:07

 

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

On July 25, 1993, four black men of the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA), the military wing of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC - the black racist communist party, which supports the false notion that the entire African continent would belongs only to the blacks), attacked St James Church of England at Kenilworth, Cape Town, during the Sunday evening service, when there were about 1,000 people.
The church was chosen as objective because it was frequented almost exclusively by whites.
Two APLA men entered the church throwing hand grenades and firing on the crowd with R4 assault rifles. They killed 11 people and injured 58. Among the dead, all whites, there were four Russian sailors. Another sailor, an Ukrainian, lost both legs and an arm.
The number of victims could be much higher if a member of the congregation, Charl van Wyk, had not responded to the fire with his revolver, wounding one of the attackers. At that point the two men of the APLA decided to fled the church and not to bring to completion the original plan, which would have had to finish throwing four petrol bombs among the faithful.

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

Saint James Church massacre, 25 July 1993

 
Dr. Lets Pretorius (Boer prisoner) attacked in prison PDF Print E-mail
Thursday, 14 November 2013 11:42

 

Dr. Lets Pretorius

PRESS RELEASE: NATIONAL [14 November 2013]
KNIFE ATTACK: Dr. Lets Pretorius : Boeremag: Pretoria Central Prison


Dr. Lets Pretorius is serving a sentence for treason in the above prison.
In an apparent robbery attempt he was attacked with a knife. He escaped with light injuries. His two sons, Dr. Johan and Wilhelm Pretorius came to his assistance.
A letter of protest will be send to the minister of Correctional Services regarding this matter.

Piet Rudolph
Convener: Boere Versorgingskomitee.

 
South Africa, 29 Oct. 2013: “Boeremag” convictions PDF Print E-mail
Wednesday, 30 October 2013 17:00

 

Boer prisoners

Yesterday, 29 October 2013, in Pretoria, a court of the imperial regime of southern Africa, issued convictions against the accused in the “Boeremag” trial.
Among the accused there were also some Boer nationalists, who had already  declared themselves Prisoners of War long time ago.

The accused were convicted of, among other things, High Treason. An accuse clearly ridiculous when referring to the Boers, because they cannot “betray” a state that is foreign and enemy to them; and also an illegitimate accuse, because the imperial state of the Republic of South Africa (RSA) has no rights over the Boer Volk.

The accused in the “Boeremag” case were arrested in 2002/2003 (so they have already spent more than 10 years in jail). 11 of them have never left the prison. 2 are dead.

These are all convictions of 29 October 2013:
Tom Vorster; Herman van Rooyen; Johan Pretorius; Wilhelm Pretorius and Rudi Gouws: 35 years.
Mike du Toit; Dirk Hanekom; Dr. Lets Pretorius and Kobus Pretorius: 30 years.
André du Toit and Deon van den Heever: 20 years.
Rooikoos du Plessis and Jurie Vermeulen: 15 years.
Vis Visagie: 5 years of correctional supervision.
Adriaan van Wyk; Giel Burger; Jacques Olivier; Pieter van Deventer and Jacques Jordaan: 10 years.
(Fritz Naudé is still in hospital, after suffering several strokes. He will be condemned later).


The Boers that carry the RSA's chains are not criminals, but patriots, in service for their VOLK. Being faithful to their own volk is not treason. Remember Jopie Fourie!
The price of the struggle is often very high, but it isn't vain.
May their sacrifice be a stimulus for the Resistance and the Rebellion.
Freedom for the BOER VOLK!

 
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