Constand Laubscher Viljoen was born on 28th October 1933, in Standerton, in southern Africa. He is married with Christina Sussanna Heckroodt and has four sons and a daughter.
In the 1955 he obtained the degree B.Sc (B. Mil) at the University of Pretoria, and in 1956 he joined the army of the RSA (Republic of South Africa, the State of the “whites” [with reference only to the colour of the skin] in southern Africa). In 1965 he was appointed Commandant. In 1974 he was made the Director General of Operations at the army headquarters and he subsequently became Principal Staff Officer to the chief of the defence force. In 1975-1976, during the campaign in Angola, was the senior officer. In 1977 he became Chief of the Army.
In 1978 he planned the Battle of Cassinga (in Angola, 4th May 1978) - the largest airborne assault by the SADF - against the forces of SWAPO (South West Africa People’s Organization), Cuba, Angola, East Germany and the Soviet Union.
In 1980 he was appointed General and Chief of the overall Defence Force of the RSA (SADF).
His military career, at the head of the armed forces of a country at war for years (RSA fought on several fronts in southern Africa), brought him great fame and the admiration of the Afrikaner (with reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites) “nationalists”.
In 1985 he retired from the army to dedicate yourself to rural activities.
At the end of the 1980’s international capitalism thought that the time was ripe for the establishment of a great empire in southern Africa, administered by a major political black and communist force (the ANC). This empire was to replace that of the RSA, which was politically administered by the Afrikaners (with reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites), and incorporate several black independent and autonomous states. This project was supported by all international capitalist-communist forces, in all their various forms and expressions.
On the 2nd February 1990 FW De Klerk (leader of the Nasionale Party [NP] and State president of the RSA), announced in the Parliament of the RSA that the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) - until then fought as terrorists - would be readmitted to the law, and Nelson Mandela (convicted terrorist) released. The release of communist terrorists, as it was logical to expect, did dramatically increase the violence in the region. However, within a few months, all laws that remained of the Apartheid system (already changed during the 80s), were abolished. The abolition of the laws of the Apartheid (capitalist tool responsible for to have changed southern Africa demographically) decreed the end of the RSA (the “white” [with reference to the colour of the skin] Empire). But this action was not intended to liberate the nations that the Empire had conquered, from the Boer (since to many black nations were recognized autonomy or independence), but to create a new empire, bigger, that encompasses both the RSA and various other autonomous or independent black states, to put all these nations under a single communist political force, which protect the interests of international capitalism: the ANC.
Although the Constitution of the RSA had been cleared by the removal of some of its fundamental laws, the NP remained in power. To give to itself a semblance of legitimacy (which it did not have) in March 1992 held a referendum, reserved for those who had been classified as “white” (of any nationality, but with skin rather white) by the empire of the RSA. In it, after a massive media bombardment financed by international capitalism, was asked to approve the conduct of De Klerk to negotiate a new constitution. The majority of Afrikaans-speaking whites (Boer and not-Boer) voted “no”, but the majority of the total “white” [with reference to skin colour] voted “yes”.
Among the many movements that were deployed for the “no” there were also: the Konserwatiewe Party (KP – in English: Conservative Party), the Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP – in English: Reconstituted National Party), and the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB); which thanks to the common goal had begun to collaborate each other.
The HNP was a small party, but had a highly respected leader: Jaap Marais.
The KP in the 1989 RSA’s general elections, was obtained 31.5% of the total vote. It was the main parliamentary opposition force, and its was based on a predominantly Afrikaner (with reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites) vote, very strong in the areas of the former Boer Republics. It collected approximately the 43% of the Afrikaner vote (and only 7.5% of the Anglophone), and controlled most Transvaal’s municipalities.
The AWB was a great extra-parliamentary nationalist force with paramilitary structures, the only really able to mobilize people politically and militarily (many of his men had fought in the South African Border War).
But these three forces in 1990 they still had different goals. The AWB claimed Boer independence, while the majority of KP supported the RSA, as well as the HNP.
Between 1990 and 1993, southern Africa was the scene of a massive series of bombings, armed actions, and paramilitary demonstrations in the streets, led by Boer nationalists in order to force the government of the Empire of RSA; the communists; and international capitalism; to recognize the independence of a Boer State on the land of the Boer Republics.
Over the months, and with the progress of negotiations for the creation of the new Empire; the idea of an independent state on the lands of the Boer Republics began to seem the only way even to KP.
In September 1992, the KP; the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) of Zulu; the State of Bophuthatswana; the State of Ciskei; and the State of KwaZulu; established the COSAG (Concerned South African Group), which called for freedom for all nations of southern Africa.
The situation in this period was extremely unstable. The Zulu threatened war if their independence would not been recognized, and meanwhile fought against the ANC (with great shedding of blood). The whites were killed by black terrorists. The bombs of Boer nationalists exploded, and they threatened to start their Third War of Liberation.
On April 10, 1993, Janusz Waluś - anti-communist Polish emigrated in southern Africa - killed Chris Hani, secretary of the SACP and former chief of staff of the armed wing of the ANC. Southern Africa was on the brink of a war.
Constand Viljoen on a new Afrikaner front: in politics
In 1993 Constand Viljoen at the head of other former generals of the Armed Forces and Police Forces of the RSA, presented himself to the white Afrikaners (with reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites, Boer and not-Boer) ensuring the support, extremely important, of large sections of the Armed Forces and Police Forces of the RSA to the independentist cause of the “Afrikaner/Boerevolk” (this was the term predominantly used, and translated as “Afrikaner Boer nation”) that must to be achieved on the lands of the Boer Republics (about 16% of the whole territory), to form the “Volkstaat” (literally: the “State of the people-nation”).
The Police and the Armed Forces of the RSA were still run by whites (with regard only to skin colour), who for years had fought against the same forces to which the south African (and international) elites were giving (formally) power over many nations, one white and black the others, of southern Africa.
The participation of the generals, their promises and their ensures, were the glue to put together various nationalist movements. With their support (which was credible, in that historical period) the independence of Afrikaners and Boers, on a good part of the lands which had been of the Boer Republics, it seemed absolutely achievable.
In 1993, the figure of Constand Viljoen seemed to many as that of a saviour. A new figure in the political arena (also because he was not a politician but a soldier), with a prestigious past, able to gather white Afrikaners and Boers to lead them to freedom, to put them against that power which, then to have changed demographically southern Africa with Apartheid, was now handing over peoples and nations to a great black and communist political force (the ANC).
The hopes, unfortunately, often obscure the reality and creating dangerous and unhealthy illusions. Constand Viljoen wasn’t a revolutionary Boer, ready to lead a war against the big southern African and international powers for liberate the nation, on the contrary: he was only a Afrikaans-speaking white who had made a career for his loyalty to these powers. And on that road – as many others - he will always remain.
Costand Viljoen used the AWB (Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging) and the KP (Konserwatiewe Party van Suid-Afrika) - and other smaller movements - to gain political influence, and to establish himself as a “nationalist” leader in public opinion.
Along with other former generals of the RSA, applied to build a big independentist front (the Afrikaner Volksfront, AVF) around himself, and then he destroyed it, acting so to the white Afrikaners and the Boers continued to follow him, but elsewhere, not to independence on the Boer lands, but to submission to the supranational powers.
The 19th May 1993 Constand Viljoen presented, along with Ferdi Hartzenberg (leader of the KP), the new political creature: the Afrikaner Volksfront (AVF – Afrikaner People-Nation Front), which brought together many Afrikaner (with reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites) “nationalist” organizations, the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB; at that time great Boer nationalist movement), and a large number of former generals of the Armed Forces and Police Forces of the RSA
Ferdi Hartzenberg stated: “The Volksfront is not going to participate at the negotiating table, the only idea of Volksfront is to unite our nation for the self-determination”, and “All participants in the Volksfront are not in favour of an unitary state [in southern Africa. Ed].”
Chairman of the executive council of the AVF (composed of nine members) was elected Ferdi Hartzenberg, leader of the KP. The executive council, however, was accompanied by a “directorate” of four generals, led by Gen. Constand Viljoen. So the generals, instead of having a subordinate role to the political leaders, as would have been logical, positioned themselves at the top of the coalition (AVF), carving out important roles of representation (especially in external negotiations, more or less secret); when their task (in theory) had to be something quite different: to work to ensure that sectors of the Armed Forces and Police of the RSA declare their faith to the rising “Volkstaat”.
Viljoen’s troops in the AVF
The presence of the AWB in the AVF provided the popular and paramilitary base, and the Afrikaner Volksfront could took to the streets, showing his numbers and his strength. In June 1993, among the men of Wenkommando and Ystergarde that marched in Pretoria, there was just Constand Viljoen, with Afrikaner Volksfront insignia and on the jacket the Three-Sevens of the AWB (Christian nationalist symbol).
The AWB had the people, also ready to fight (as demonstrated in many occasions). The KP had the votes, and controlled the municipalities. Constand Viljoen, and the other former generals, had secured the support of large sectors of Ppolice and Army of the RSA. Unfortunately, the plans of Constand Viljoen - as proved by the facts - were very different.
In terms of men concretely involved, the arrival of Constand Viljoen and the other former generals of the RSA did not change much. The AWB was, and remained, clearly, the majority force.
That the activists of the AWB were greater in number than those of all other movements put together by the AVF, it is clear from the participation in the initiatives of the time. Some examples: when about 6,000 people gathered in front the World Trade Center in Johannesburg the 25th June 25 1993, to demand the independence of the “Afrikaner Boer nation” (in the terms of the AVF), at least three quarters were AWB’s members; when the Afrikaner Volksfront entered in Bophuthatswana to defend its independence (as request by its President, Lucas Mangope), on the total of 1,100 men 750 were AWB’s members (and they were the only ones who fought); the 29th January 1994 when over 10,000 people attended a demonstration of the AVF in Pretoria, Viljoen was harshly criticized and Terre’Blanche (leader of the AWB) greatly applauded.
An Afrikaner, not-Boer, project
Minority forces, within the AVF, with the term “Afrikaner” intended (correctly) all Afrikaans speakers, without race/national distinctions, so they were not aiming to the creation of an “Afrikaner Boer” State, but of an Afrikaans Empire. These forces were, in particular, the Afrikaner Volksunie (AVU) and the Afrikaner Vryheidstigting (Avstig) of Prof. Carel Boshoff, very small movements, but very influential.
Some Boer liberation movements, in the “Afrikaner Boer” project of the AVF, did not see a way to gather and assimilate all white people (when are similar and assimilable) in the Boer nation (as hoped by AWB), but a false nationalism, without borders, capable only of one thing: to destroy the true (Boer) nationalism. A nation is itself, not something else. Talking about “Afrikaner Boer” nation (using the two terms as synonyms) when the majority of the Afrikaners (with reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites, Boer and not-Boer) haven’t been Trekboers; didn’t participate in the Great Trek; and have fought for the British Empire against the Boer Republics; could mean everything and its opposite, whereas a nation has very specific boundaries: biological and spiritual, historical and territorial.
Objectives of the Afrikaner Volksfront (AVF)
The main objective of Afrikaner Volksfront was to obtain independence for the “Afrikaner Boer nation”, if possible through negotiations, or with a Boer Unilateral Declaration of Independence in western Transvaal. The secession plan of the AVF intended to defend the independence also by force (in western Transvaal), using members of Army and Police (which should have followed their former generals, and particularly Constand Viljoen) and the men of AWB’s paramilitary forces.
Activities of Constand Viljoen in the Afrikaner Volksfront (AVF)
The statements of various exponents of the AVF, from Constand Viljoen, for several months were very belligerent. They promised war if Volkstaat didn’t have independence.
At the same time, however, Constand Viljoen and some minor politicians of the AVF, issued contradictory statements on the nature of the nation for which they said want independence. Instead of speaking of Boer nation, on the land of the Boer Republics (as AWB did); sometimes they spoke of “white nation”, with regard only to skin colour (knowing full well that the only colour of skin doesn’t a nation), giving the impression that they wanted a new empire of the RSA, and moreover in an area not well identified. All this only served to weaken the cause of the only true white nation, the only one that had, and has, right to independence and self-determination: The Boer nation.
On 25 June 1993, while the AWB invaded and occupied the World Trade Center in Kempton Park, Johannesburg, where were held multiparty negotiations (the same that AVF had asked to interrupt) Constand Viljoen, unsuccessfully, tried to stop the Boer nationalists.
In December 1993, during the occupation of Fort Schanschop by men of the Pretoria Boere Kommando (PBK) led by Commandant Willem Ratte, Constand Viljoen intervened to advise the Boer nationalists to leave immediately the Fort to avoid a conflict with the forces of the RSA. The initiative wanted to protest against the inauguration of the Transitional Executive Council (TEC), the transitional government that would lead to the birth of the new empire.
At the end of January 1994, only nine months after its official appearance in politics, Constand Viljoen began to reveal its real objectives. He indeed proposed an “strategic alternative” which was nothing more than the participation to the multinational elections of the 27th April 1994, which would force many peoples and many nations of southern Africa in a single empire, under the regime of the ANC. The exact opposite of that for which the AVF had been established. This proposal was rejected by the crowd (29 January 1994), and some Boers even tried to assault him (they calmed only after the intervention of Terre’Blanche).
The same day, however, was inaugurated the Volksverteenwoordigende Rand (VVR, the Council of Representatives): the Parliament of the nation. Chairman of the VVR was appointed Ferdi Hatzenberg; which in turn appointed Constand Viljoen as minister of Defence and Eugene Terre’Blanche as minister of Law and Order.
The VVR, at its first meeting of the 10th February 1994, officially decided not to take part in the elections of the new Empire, because foreign to the “Afrikaner Boer” nation.
When Mandela publicly declared that the ANC would not allow the birth of Volkstaat, and the Armed Forces of the RSA threatened harsh retaliation against the armed independentists, the executive council of the Afrikaner Volksfront decided to stop all negotiations with the transitional government of the ANC/NP and ordered to Constand Viljoen do the same. But he continued on his way, that certainly was opposite to that of the Boer nation. On 4th March 1994 he registered his own party, the Vryheidsfront (VF, in English: “Freedom Front”, FF), to the multinational elections. That decision was just after overwhelmingly rejected by Volksverteenwoordigende Rand (VVR).
The participation of the Vryheidsfront on multinational elections was instrumental to giving a semblance of legitimacy to an absolutely illegitimate operation, because no nation can decide for another, imposing its own will through the numbers; the right to self-determination of peoples is inviolable. States that submit various nations, depriving them of the right to self-determination by any means (with propaganda; with the vote; with war), are nothing more than empires.
Operation “Vryheidsfront” was aimed to demonstrating the involvement of white Afrikaners in the multinational vote.
Perhaps the strange and unexpected appearance of Constand Viljoen on the independentist political area, was not motivated by good faith, but was part of a prearranged plan, orchestrated by the regime that was to settle in power, and by the forces that supported it, so everything had to go as then exactly went. This was the analysis of Eugene Terre'Blanche, who described Viljoen a Judas, sent by the freemasons of the Broederbond (in English: Afrikaner Brotherhood), the ANC and the NP to send the white Afrikaners and the Boers in ruins. Also what happened in Bophuthatswana in March 1994 (operation to support president Lucas Mangope) confirms this thesis.
The Afrikaner Volksfront was also part of the Freedom Alliance (former COSAG) – with the Inkata Freedom Party (IFP) of Zulus; the state of Bophuthatswana (with President Lucas Mangope); the state of Ciskei; and the state of KwaZulu; which claims freedom for all nations of southern Africa.
The 10-11 March 1994, when the Afrikaner Volksfront and the AWB intervened in Bophuthatswana to defend its independence, on request by the same Mangope, the AWB’s men were thrown in the hand of enemy, among whose ranks there were also Bophuthatswana government forces - who would have had to fight at their side - equipped with weapons of war. However, in many cases AWB’s men managed to get the better, thanks to their military training and cold blood (anyway the AWB lost four men, killed after surrendered, by a black officer of Bophuthatswana Police), distinguished by acts of great courage (remember the action led by AWB’s Gen. Roelf Jordaan, who led rescue to black civilians attacked by ANC’s armed supporters).
Why Gen. Viljoen gave his approval to the mission in Bophuthatswana and even named its commander, when that mission was intended to support the president Mangope and the independence of that State, to avoid it would be forced to participate in the multinational elections, when Viljoen had already registered himself for to participate?
Even Eugene Terre’Blanche poses this question to himself, while he still in Bophuthatswana with his men, especially after had heared that Gen. Viljoen and Gen. George Meiring (at time the Head of the South Africa Army) had flown together, shortly before, just the areas affected by the operation.
The AWB went in Bophuthatswana to honour agreements of the Freedom Alliance and to prevent that Bophuthatswana was forced to participate to the multinational elections. Constand Viljoen went there for different reasons: to facilitate the participation of Bophuthatswana to multinational elections, and hit the AWB, the only real (Boer) resistance force ready to fight against the single regime.
Months later, Constand Viljoen had a real cheek to say that his decision to participate in elections was born after the expedition in Bophuthatswana, that by capitalist-communist media was described - subverting the facts - as an AWB’s fiasco.
The departure of Constand Viljoen from the independentist front and his participation to the multinational elections, did to understand very well that police and army would not support the independence plan that was to follow the Boer Unilateral Declaration of Independence. This made immediately withdraw the KP, and only the AWB continued with the independentist plan.
The day of the first election of the new Empire, Viljoen and 35 other former generals (31 of the Army of the RSA and 4 of the Police of the RSA) went to vote at the polling station of Voortrekkerhoogte military base in Pretoria (the city that AVF, in late January, had declared the capital of the Volkstaat).
Just at Voortrekkerhoogte, years before, at a meeting of the Afrikaner Broederbond (AB), Viljoen had argued in favour of a single state in southern Africa, which had included all the nations that inhabit it (therefore an empire). The day had arrived.
Today the name of that military base is “Thaba Tshwane”.
That Gen. Constand Viljoen, head of the directorate of the generals of the AVF (a coalition that he had helped to create, in theory, to free white Afrikaners and Boers, avoiding were incorporated in the new Empire), founded and registered a political party (which gave immediate support many former generals of the RSA, politicians, members of the Armed Forces, intellectuals and businessmen) just to become part of the Empire, in contravention of the decisions of the Parliament of which he was a member (VVR), and of the Government when he was Minister, reveals a clear strategy, aimed to unite Afrikaners and Boers in an independentist front, for to rule it, and then break it and submit it. And so it was. An Afrikaner (with reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites not-Boer) new strategy, to subdue the Boer nation to the Empire. Once to the British one, then to that of RSA, and then to that of Azania.
Robert van Tonder, leader of the Boerestaat Party, just days before the imperial election of 1994, declared that those who voted for the parliament of the Empire was not a Boer, because the Boers (in blood and spirit) would not have voted for a foreign Empire against their freedom. The difference between an Afrikaans-speaking white and a Boer is also this.
The Vryheidsfront, entered in multinationals election of 1994 and deluded part of white Afrikaners with the promise that it would get self-determination, with the creation of a certain type of “volkstaat” (intended as independent Afrikaner state not-Boer). The incoming regime gave help and inventing the “Volkstaat Council” (a body under its interim constitution), whose members were chosen from Gen. Viljoen, after his party (the Vryheidsfront, VF) had take part in the multinational elections.
The Volkstaat Council, theoretically, had to investigate how to achieve self-determination for Afrikaners (the Afrikaans-speaking whites - without reference to the Boer nation), so this was constitutionally provided. The facts are clear: in the new constitution of the ANC’s regime, made in the 1996, has no granted any kind of “volkstaat”.
In the 2001 Gen. Constand Viljoen left the leadership of the Vryheidsfront to Dr. Pieter Mulder.
Currently he is focusing in rural activities and is a consultant of the ARMSCOR (Krygstuig Korporasie van Suid-Afrika or Armaments Corporation of South Africa. Weapon-producing industry supported by the regime).