Blood River Vow (1838). 16 December PDF Print E-mail
Monday, 15 December 2014 07:07


Sarel Cilliers, monument in Kroonstad

The 16th December is like a sabbath for the Boer volk, dedicated to thanksgiving JHWH, for to obey to the vow that the Voortrekkers (pioneers) did in the 1838. A vote that committed all their biological-spiritual descendants.

After the murder of Piet Retief, perpetrated by the Zulus, and the massacre of several hundred Voortrekkers in Natal, the Boer pioneers survivors gathered themselves under Andries Pretorius, who decided to lead them against the Zulu army.
On the 9th December 1938, under the spiritual guidance of Sarel Cilliers, a contingent of 471 men commited themselves as follows:

Here we stand before the holy God [JHWH. Ed] of heaven and earth, to make a vow to Him that, if He will protect us and give our enemy into our hand, we shall keep this day and date every year as a day of thanksgiving like a sabbath, and that we shall erect a house to His honour wherever it should please Him, and that we also will tell our children that they should share in that with us in memory for future generations. For the honour of His name will be glorified by giving Him the fame and honour for the victory.

On 16th December 1838, near the Ncome River, 471 pioneers defeated a Zulu army of more than 15,000 units. More than 3,000 Zulus died, and not even a Vortrekker was seriously injured.
For the Zulus was the first major defeat of their glorious epic. Their blood copiously dyed red the waters of Ncome, so that battle is remembered as the Battle of Blood River.

L'altro Sudafrica (“The other South Africa” - Rome, 13 April 2013) - Letter to CasaPound Italia PDF Print E-mail
Thursday, 18 April 2013 07:07


Open Letter to CasaPound Italia [translation from Italian. The original text is here. Ed.]

April 3, 2013

Dear CasaPound Italia,
My name is ******* ******* (“******”) and I'm the editor of the “volkstaat” websites (in Italian, English and Afrikaans) that promote the nationalist cause of the Boer volk (Boer people-nation).

In the past I have already written to your press office (as well as those of other Italian political associations), to report news and/or initiatives about the Boer volk. In any case, I have never received any kind of response from you.

L'altro Sudafrica (“The other South Africa” - Rome, 13 April 2013)Today, I am writing you in relation to your initiative “The other South Africa - The drama of the Boer people”, that will take place in April 13th, 2013 at your headquarter in Rome, in Napoleone III street.

On the poster that promotes your initiative, first you wrote about “the drama of the Boer people” (“il dramma del popolo boero”) but, below that, you speak of “Afrikaner-Boer people” when you mention your own guest.
The difference is obvious and substantial.
The Boer people is not the “Afrikaner-Boer people”.
The identity of a people is accurate or it is not.

The terms “Afrikaner” and “Boer” are not synonymous.
The term “Afrikaner” can be used to identify all the Afrikaans-speaking people (with no racial distinctions). The Boers are the biological and spiritual descendants of the Trekboers (semi-nomadic migrants), of the Voortrekkers (pioneers) and the citizens of the free Boer Republics.
The Boers founded, in total, 15 Republics. The most well known Boer Republics were the Transvaal Republic (Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek, ZAR), the Orange Free State, the Natalia Republic and the New Republic [Nieuwe Republiek. Ed.]. The Boer Republics of the ZAR (which was joined by several smaller Boer Republics) and the Orange Free State were recognized by the international law.

The “Afrikaners” are not, and have never been, a nation; the Boers are.
Things don’t change even if you use the term “Afrikaner” only for white “Afrikaners”, giving to that word a specific racial connotation.
The Anglo-speaking white people aren’t a nation, while English people are. The French-speaking white people aren’t a nation, the French are. The Afrikaans-speaking white people (“white Afrikaners”) are not a nation, but the Boers are.

The Boers are Africans (albeit white) in all respects, because their nation and their culture were formed in Africa, on what was, at that time, the Cape frontier (an area consisted of the territories north of Paarl and east of Stellenbosch, right up to the Brak and Sundays Rivers).
During the late 1600s and all throughout the 1700s, while the majority of white people who spoke a proto-Afrikaans language remained at the Cape, happy to submit themselves to the Dutch colonial power (for this reason they were called “Cape Dutch”), a number of the poorest white people at the Cape migrated north and east, on the Cape frontier, driven by the desire for freedom. They were called “Trekboers”, because they were nomadic pastoralists, a lifestyle they adopted in order to survive on the harsh Cape frontier. From these men germinated the Boer nation, and the Cape frontier was the crucible that forged it.
The Boer people, therefore, didn’t develop in Europe, nor among the “Cape Dutch” (the majority of proto-Afrikaans speaking white people, who had remained at the Cape), but on the Cape frontiers.
The Great Trek (the great Voortrekkers migration that led to the foundation of the free Boer Republics) did not originate from Cape Town, but virtually entirely from the Cape frontier, where the Boer population developed at least 150 years before (with the Trekboers).
During the Second Anglo-Boer War, the “Cape Dutch” fought against the Boers under the banner of the British Empire, driven by international capitalism. The vast majority of Cape Rebels (the only Afrikaans-speaking white people of the British colony of the Cape, who stand with the Boer Republics) were Boers. In fact, they came from the Cape frontier and they also spoke a different language/dialect.

The term “Afrikaner” (that originally meant “African”) has been used referring to a specific group of people since 1880. In that year, in fact, while the Boers of the Zuid Afrikaanse Republiek (literally: “South African Republic”, Boer Republic in the region of the Transvaal) took up arms against the British rule, the Afrikaner Bond, in the British Cape Colony, began to use the term “Afrikaner”. It referred to the settlers (until then known as “Cape Dutch”) who spoke proto-Afrikaans, today classified as West Cape Afrikaans. Meanwhile the Boers developed a different language / dialect, today classified as Eastern Border Afrikaans - with reference to the Cape frontier, where the Boer nation germinated. The Afrikaner Bond accepted the British sovereignty, becoming a member of the British Empire, and enemy of the Boers.

After the conquest of the Boer Republics by Great Britain, on behalf of international capitalism, and the creation of macrostate/empire of the Union of South Africa in 1910, which forced together the former British colonies and the Boer Republics conquered, the term “Afrikaner” began to be used for all the Afrikaans-speaking Whites, without distinction between Cape Afrikaners (formerly known as “Cape Dutch”) and Boers.
On this classification, absolutely artificial and wrong, is based the so-called “White Afrikaner nationalism”.

In a subsequent step, the term “Afrikaner” began to be used to define any white citizen of the Union of South Africa (later Republic of South Africa).
On this classification, which is also artificial and wrong, is based the so-called “White South African nationalism”.

If, therefore, as a first step the classification as “Afrikaner” was simply alien and foreign to the Boers (because it referred to the Cape Dutch / Cape Afrikaners), it gradually included them in order to deny their national identity and right to independence.

The so-called “White South African nationalism” and “White Afrikaner nationalism” are false nationalisms, invented by international capitalism against the Boers (after the conquest of their Republics [1902]), to make the Boers a minority within numerically largest foreigner groups.

Although nowadays a number of biological descendants of the Boers uses the term “Afrikaner” to define themselves, justifying this choice by the fact that its meaning is “African”, this only proves the identity crisis of these people, victims for decades of the disinformation work of international capitalism. The term “Afrikaner” [as well as “South African”, Ed.] cannot be used to define the Boer nation, which is distinct and independent from any other, and cannot be confused with any other. [1]

The classification of the Boers as “Afrikaners” or simply as “South Africans” is an act of genocide, because it is aimed to erase their identity in order to deny their right to freedom as a nation.
The artificial and arbitrary classification as “South African” of all the different volk of Southern Africa (without distinction of any kind) is the basis of the last creature of international capitalism-communism: the “new” multiracial Empire of the Republic of South Africa (RSA post-April 1994).

I'm well aware that your movement, CasaPound, is a specifically Italian movement, so I can imagine you have a rather superficial knowledge about Southern Africa and about the Boers, a land and a people so far away. Although I'm inclined to assume your good faith, I notice that at your conference on the “drama of the Boer people” you don't have invited a Boer patriot or a supporter of the Boer cause, but one of the greatest contemporary exponents of the “White Afrikaner nationalism”, Hendrik van de Graaf.

I must say that I'm not surprised, conscious of the relationship between you and Solidarité - Identités, an association closely linked to movements which support the so-called “White Afrikaner nationalism”, busy in spreading its thesis in Europe, and in Italy too.
The initiative in question, however, is signed by Casapound. And so I'm addressing to you.

Hendrik (Henk) Van De Graaf is a prominent member of the Verkennersbeweging; he was a candidate of the VVK (Volksraad Verkiesing Kommissie, the Electoral Commission of white Afrikaners); and now is a “deputy” in the so-called “Boere-Afrikaner Volksraad” (“Boer-Afrikaner Parliament”).
The VVK, as well as the “parliament” that it has formed, is basically a creature of the Verkennersbeweging, a new form of Afrikaner Broederbond (the “Afrikaner Brotherhood”), a kind of white Afrikaner Freemasonry, which works to confuse the true nationalism (Boer) with a false one (white Afrikaner).
The “White Afrikaner nationalism” is a Masonic creature, and it is in its nature to be subservient to Judaism. This also applies to the VVK and to its White Afrikaners “parliament”. In this regard I advise you about two articles of “The nature of the VVK” [2] (focused on various prominent personalities who work to spread the so-called “White Afrikaner nationalism”) and “The nature of the Afrikaner 'volksraad' of the VVK” [3]. In this latter article, it is reported an interesting letter of Paul Kruger, President of the VVK and collaborator of its “parliament”; the letter is addressed to a Russian-Jew, a supporter of the Jewish state and of the so-called “white Afrikaner nationalism”. It almost seems a declaration of loyalty by VVK and its “parliament” to Judaism and to the Jewish State in Palestine.

The VVK “parliament” is absolutely illegitimate, as well as that of the Republic of South Africa. The only parliament that can represent the Boers is a Boer parliament.
The VVK says it wants to free the “Boer-Afrikaners”, a volk that doesn't exist. Confusing the identity of a volk doesn’t help free it, but destroy it. This is a Boer Genocide too.

The VVK, in October 2012, has produced a document entitled “Die Boere-Afrikanervolk se eis om selfbeskikking” (“The Boer-Afrikaner nation's claim to self-determination”), which denies the specificity of the Boer volk than other white Afrikaans speakers [4][5], which is a fabrication of history. The Trekboer wars; the Voortrekkers' migration; the Blood River Vow; the Boer Republics; the Wars of Liberation, the people died in the British concentration camps; all of these are a heritage and an exclusive property of one volk only: the Boer one, the only white volk of Africa.
The VVK argues that the “old” Republic of South Africa (1961-1994) was a continuation of the Boer Republics [6], and this is another distortion of history. The “old” Republic of South Africa wasn’t born from the Boer Republics, but from the Union of South Africa (1910-1961), the British dominion forged by international capitalism that ended the Boer Republics (1902), and it created the “new” Republic of South Africa (post-April 1994).

The Boers rebelled against the Union of South Africa in 1914. The Rebellion was suppressed by British and Cape Afrikaners.
The Boers of the Ossewabrandwag (OB), the National Socialist movement which eventually had 500,000 members between 1940 to 1948, did not support the Union of South Africa but demanded the restoration of the Boer Republics. The OB was dismantled with the arrival of the White Afrikaner “nationalists” to the government of the Union.
The Boer Armed Campaign for Independence (1990 - 1994) was opposed to the Republic of South Africa in an attempt to restore the Boer Republics, or at least a part of them. The supporters of the “White Afrikaner nationalism” took part in the foundation of the “new” Empire.

The document “Die Boere-Afrikanervolk se eis om selfbeskikking” has been classified by as an act of Boer Genocide.

The document of the VVK, as well as the arguments of the so-called “White Afrikaner nationalism”, is in complete contrast with the documentation [7] presented in 1995 to the UN by Boere Republikeinse Verkiesingskommissie (BVK), the Boer Republican Electoral Commission (of which also the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging [AWB] of Eugene Terre'Blanche was part). The AWB, in fact, even it was born as “white Afrikaner nationalist” movement, around 1985 [about 12 years after the foundation] it came to the Boer nationalism.
Fred Rundle (historical Boer nationalist and AWB spokesman for years) - as a representative of the BVK – after returning to southern Africa, told to the reporters: “We are indigenous people from the soil”. “We don’t know any other country. We don’t claim to represent all the white people in South Africa. We only represent the Boers. Afrikaners are distinctly different from Boers. The Boers were the people who tamed the country, who fought the British.” “We are not interested in any elections held by the ANC. We leave that to the Vryheidsfront and the Konserwatiewe Party.” [8]

The fact that at UNPO (Unrepresented Nations and People Organization) the “Afrikaners” (with reference to all Afrikaans-speaking whites) are represented even if they’re not a volk, is caused by the misinformation work of the so-called white Afrikaner “nationalists”. In particular, it’s due to the Vryheidsfront Plus (VF+ / Freedom Front Plus, FF+), the Afrikaner party that collaborates with the Empire of the “new” RSA, an Empire that VF+ has helped to create.
One should bear in mind that the leader of VF+ is Dr. Pieter Mulder. In 1994 Dr. Pieter Mulder was elected to the parliament of the Empire of the “new” RSA and since 2009 he’s the Deputy Agriculture Minister in the imperial government. The fact that a member of the South African imperial government could represent a supposed “volk” prisoner of the same Empire, is absurd, grotesque and very serious.
The fact that white Afrikaners have obtained representation at UNPO misusing the history; the flags; and the martyrs of the Boer volk, it isn't only a theft, but an act of Boer Genocide. Stealing a volk of its identity is an act of genocide.
On 23 April 2011, Dr. Lets Pretorius (father of the Pretorius brothers, Wilhelm, Johan and Kobus, Boer war prisoners held in South Africa), wrote a letter [9] to UNPO on behalf of the BVR (Boerevolk Verteenwoordigende Raad - Boerevolk Representative Council). He protested against the manipulation of the Boer identity, used to give an identity to an artificial “nation”. Therefore, he confirmed the specificity of the Boer volk, and remembered that the Boers (and the Boers only) have already had two Republics internationally recognized.

Southern Africa is currently plagued by a serious problem, the White Genocide, a racist extermination against white people (mainly Boers). And this is definitely a priority. Certainly, though, the White Genocide cannot be solved by promoting the destruction of the identity of the only white African volk, the Boer one.
This is the only purpose of this letter: to protect the identity of the Boer volk.

The supporters of the so-called “white Afrikaner nationalism” accuse the Boers to create "divisions”. But to defend their national identity is to defend its existence. Mixtures which promote the loss of their identity aren’t useful: they’re a key to destruction, not to survival.
Destroying the Boer identity, confusing it with other identities, won’t help the whites of southern Africa. Pretending otherwise would be, for example, meaning that for the sake of Europe it is necessary to cancel the different identities of the European peoples.

The history of Africa is very clear. The only indigenous white nation is the Boer one.
White people who want an own nation in southern Africa have only one way: assimilate themselves (if they can be assimilated) to the Boers, in the Boer nation. Being Boers.
Eugene Terre’Blanche, historical Boer leader, spent his life uniting Afrikaners (in reference to Afrikaans-speaking whites) and other whites of southern Africa, not dividing them. He wanted to unite them under the flags of the Boer nation, in order to make them Boers.

Today, April 3rd, the anniversary of the murder of Terre'Blanche, I think it is worth mentioning some of his words:
“The AWB, the resistance movement, didn’t rise from hate against other nations or people. The movement rose from love for our country and our nation, the Boer nation. The Boer people are those who left the Cape, which was a British colony, to find their own freedom and a new land.
What we want is our land back. The land of the Boers. The two republics and the northern part of Natal. We don’t want the whole South Africa. We know that South Africa cannot go on like this. The AWB, the resistance movement, is preparing itself to continue the conflict which my forefathers fought against your forefathers, against the British people. We know that our government is busy selling out the whites in South Africa, but we won’t fight, or start a battle on racist basis. We will fight it according to the international law. We have a rightful claim on certain parts of South Africa, that is the old Boer republics, and I want my land back.” [10]

All initiatives against the White Genocide in South Africa are welcome, but without confusing the identity of the Boer volk, otherwise they will turn into acts of Boer Genocide. Because genocide is not only the physical elimination of a people, but also all the actions aimed at its contamination and erasing or confusing its identity.

My purpose isn’t to start a controversy, but to help you understand the Boer people, the people you are talking about at the beginning of your poster.
I hope you reconsider, in a radical way, your initiative on April 13th.
I remain at your disposal for further clarification.

tel. ***. *******

1. The Boers are not Afrikaners. Article by Ron for Republican Trekker Volk. Translated into Italian by
2. The nature of the VVK, by, September 2011,
3. The nature of the afrikaner “volksraad” of the VVK, by, May 2012,
4. Point n. 1, “Die Boere-Afrikanervolk se eis om selfbeskikking”.
5. Point n. 24, “Die Boere-Afrikanervolk se eis om selfbeskikking”.
6. Point n. 3, “Die Boere-Afrikanervolk se eis om selfbeskikking”.
7. The identity of the Boer nation. Document of the Boere Republikeinse Verkiesingskommissie (BVK, the Boer Republican Electoral Commission), submitted to the UN on July 1995.
8. The Boers at the U.N. - 1995, by,
9. Letter from the Boerevolk to UNPO - Lets Pretorius, 23 April 2011,
10. 1990. Terre’Blanche: “our nation, the Boer nation”, From “AWB, South Africa’s neo-Nazis” (1990),

Boers and 'Afrikaners' - Boerestaat, Robert van Tonder PDF Print E-mail


From the book: Boerestaat, by Robert van Tonder
First English Edition [1977]

Contents of “Boerestaat”, by Robert van Tonder

Chapter 13

Boere and 'Afrikaners'

Millions of Boere today refer to themselves as Afrikaners. This is understandable because since the advent of the Union of South Africa the title 'Afrikaner' has been used consistently by the politicians.

13.1 The historical sequence of events
Originally the word 'Afrikaner', or 'Africaander' in its original spelling, meant simply 'African'. But whit the advent of the Afrikaner Bond, a Cape political organisation, it became politicised and referred to a specific group of people.

“The Afrikaner Bond was formed on the initiative of Rev. S. J. du Toit in June 1880 - the same year in which the Boere of Transvaal took up arms to rid themselves of British rule - and its aim was to look after the interests of the Dutch speaking colonials. Two years later in 1882 “Onze Jan” Hendrik Hofmeyer formed a Bond branch and the organisation moved away from the idea of an exclusive Afrikaner movement and accepted the Queen's Sovereignty and membership of the British Empire. The Bond had great power in the Cape political affairs, especially because they could, by giving or withdrawing support, keep a certain ministry in office or initiative its downfall. From 1890 to 1895 even Cecil John Rhodes was in alliance with the Bond. During the Anglo-Boer War they held their members in check and consequently no large-scale Boer rebellion took place. In December 1911 the Bond amalgamated with Het Volk, Orangia-Unie and Volksvereeniging to form the South African Party with Louis Botha.[28]”

The Afrikaners of the Cape also supported the British war effort logistically by allowing them the use of their railways to transport troops and equipment to the north. Eventually they volunteered and fought on the British side against the Boere in the colony.

The Afrikaners of the Cape Colony formed a far more vital element in the British decision to enter into a war against the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek than most people realise. “The Raid (Jameson's) had made him (Chamberlain) keener than ever to have a go at the Transvaal. By alienating the Cape Afrikaners, however, it had also deprived him of the means.[29]” During Milner's visit to Chamberlain on November 22nd 1898 he was told the following: “If war had to come, Kruger must be the aggressor and the Afrikaners at the Cape - or at least a large part of them - on the side of the Empire.[30]”

13.2 The historical interpretation
After 1910, in an attempt to unite the whites in South Africa into one nation - an action which directly inspired the founding of the A.N.C. in 1912 - politicians coined the terminology of English-speaking and Dutch-speaking Afrikaners. By 1925 it was decided that the written version of the Taal had become sophisticated enough to replace Dutch as an official language. It was then officially dubbed 'Afrikaans'. The whites were subsequently referred to as English-speaking and 'Afrikaaans'-speaking Afrikaners. In general usage this was soon simplified to 'English' and 'Afrikaners”.

Now although these Afrikaners speak the same language as the Boere and although thousands of men from the northern and eastern Cape Colony fought along with the Boere forces in the great English War of 1899 - 1902 a large number of them were and are of British Imperialist orientation as regards their sentiments and traditions.
[Boeretaal and 'Afrikaans', are not the same thing. The Boer language (“Taal” or “Boeretaal”) has been classified as 'Eastern Border Afrikaans', the region where the Boers and the Boer language were formed. The Cape Rebels, the inhabitants of the British Cape Colony who fought on the side of the Boer Republics, were in the vast majority Boers of the Cape frontier and not Cape Dutch / Cape Afrikaners.
In this regard recommends you to read the following articles:
The Cape Frontier: birth place of the Boer Nation
Boer language, Afrikaans, Nederlands: differences. A question for Ron
The Cape Rebels were not Cape Dutch
The vast majority of the Cape Rebels were Boers - Ron

In 'The Boer War' Thomas Pakenham has the following to say about Jan Smuts and his appointment as State Attorney by Paul Kruger: “Yet how incongruous the partnership appeared. Smuts was an Afrikaner from the Cape; his first language, for the purpose of writing, was English, his favourite poets were Shelley, Shakespeare and Walt Whitman... The keystone of his political faith, like that of other Afrikaners at the Cape, had been the idea of South African unity under the British flag [31]. During the peace talks at Vereeniging in 1902, Smuts would again demonstrate how adept he was at expressing sentiments he was vey far from sharing.”

The naivete of politicians is astounding. During the last decade of the 19th century the governor of the Cape complained to the Colonial Secretary in London about the problems caused by the irreconcilability between the English, Afrikaners and Boers in the Cape Colony. The English were loyal to the Crown. The Afrikaners were also loyal to the Crown but they persisted in demanding that there 'primitive form of Dutch' be recognised as a language. The Boers were pointedly antagonistic towards the Crown. And this was after ninety years of British rule. On the other hand, until the advent of the mine magnates, the British immigrants to the Z.A.R. and the Free State were quite happy to be assimilated in the local population.

After the successful completion of Milner's plans to subjugate the Boere of Transvaal and Free State he had a draft constitution drawn up by the Milner-kindergarten for his dream of a Union of South Africa. This job was completed in 1905. In the nick of time as it turned out. Milner, as Governor of South Africa, agreed with the mine magnates that the best solution to the shortage of Africans willing to work at sufficiently low wages was the importation of indentured Chinese labour. The British Cabinet agreed on condition that “they not be flogged as though they were Africans” [32]. However Milner allowed the Chinese to be flogged and when the British Cabinet found out they passed a note of censure on him. Milner resigned and left the country. On his way out he passed the draft constitution over to the Governor at the Cape. This astute gentleman wrote an introduction to it and passed it on to the 'National Convention' of 1908 as his brain-child.

The Convention, which met to discuss the union of the four colonies and draw up a constitution, was attended by 36 delegates, sent by the governors who ruled the four colonies. Only 7 of the delegates represented the Boere faulk. The rest were British War Criminals, Cape 'Afrikaners', Jingoes, British subjects and a few Boere traitors. The only patriotic Boere that attended the Convention were pres. M T Steyn, genl Hertzog and genl. De Wet. They were completely unable to affect the course of events.

Here the new Union of South Africa was born.

Transvaal, our strongest Boere Republic, for instance, was represented by four British War Criminals, Messrs. Farrar, Fitzpatrick, H. C. Hull and H. Lindsay, along with the Boere traitors, Botha and Smuts and their two politically naïve bosom friends, Schalk Burger and Koos de la Rey. Genl. De la Rey's Boere heart got the better of him in 1914 when he rebelled against the British machinations and decided to wage a civil war to reinstate the Boere Republics. He was 'accidentally' shot by the police who had 'put out a road-block for the Foster gang'. His rebellion is to his credit.

In the same manner the Cape, Natal and Free State delegations were loaded with British War Criminals and their fellow-travellers.

In spite of the language problems that had already been experienced in the Cape and the fact that the Boere faulk was still in the majority in spite of the devastation of the War and British immigration, the Convention now insisted that English be the official language for the whole country. Dutch was only retained through the insistence of the Boere delegates of the Free State to the profound embarrassment of the traitors from the Transvaal. Hertzog's persistent campaigning for equal rights for Dutch, and later 'Afrikaans', earned him the label of 'racist'.

In the process they did every white person in the country, but especially the English, a tremendous disservice. Dutch was eventually, after only 13 years, replaced by the Taal which was duly dubbed 'Afrikaans' in the process. The retention of English has attached to the white population of Southern Africa the stigma of being colonials. It is also a well know fact that it is an awful bother for most adults to learn a new language. The result is that most English immigrants never assimilate into the population and they never become part of Africa but cling to their 'English Heritage' to the detriment of their cultural development in a new country. The same applies to immigrants from European countries who have a smattering of English learnt at school and find themselves in an environment where they can get along quite well in English.

After the founding of the Union our Boere faulk found itself in a devil of a spot. The political dispensation forced us to co-operate with the 'Afrikaans'-speakers of the Cape and Natal in order to gain political control. That is when the word 'Afrikaner' was coined as a name for the entire 'White nation'. It had the naïve purpose of uniting both English-speaking and Dutch-speaking whites who 'put South Africa first' into one nation. The word 'Afrikaner' was at this time used with the connotation 'a white citizen of the Union of S.A. be he English- or Dutch-speaking'. That then was the advent of political racism in this country. When Dutch was replaced by 'Afrikaans' on the statute books the terms English-speaking and 'Afrikaans'-speaking Afrikaners were naturally simplified to English and Afrikaners. It eventually resulted in the 'Afrikaners' drawing together in one party and gaining the majority white vote. In the process the word 'Afrikaner' which before 1902 had been the name of a member of an 'underground' political group in the Cape, the Afrikaner Bond always worked behind the scenes, now became the name of a 'faulk'. The upcoming generations grew up under the illusion that their nationality is that of 'Afrikaner'. The activities of the secret Afrikaner Broederbond did nothing to lend clarity to the situation. In their efforts towards 'purity' they caused a rift between Boere and European descent and Boere of British descent and a false sense of union between Boere and Cape Afrikaners.

Before Union our faulk was world renowned as the Boere faulk, the Cape Colonists were generally referred to as Cape Dutch and members of the Afrikaner Bond singled out as Afrikaners.

After 1910 in the Union of South Africa we could no longer vote for our own faulk representatives in our own state. Even if we won all the seats in Transvaal and Free State it would have been to no avail because the Cape and Natal also had to be won in an election in order to gain the political edge. Now in the word 'Afrikaner' with its new meaning of an 'Afrikaans-speaking white citizen of South Africa' became a useful political tool. It was built up as being the name of the Faulk in order to gain political power by drawing all 'Afrikaans'-speakers together at the ballot-box. Before this it had never been the name of a faulk. There were people who referred to themselves as Africaanders but it was to indicate that they were not natives of Europe or Batavia but natives of Africa. There was never any reference to the Afrikaner faulk of Transvaal and Free State. No, we were world renowned as Boere and our states were world renowned as the Boere Republics. The 'Kapenaars' were know as 'Colonials' or 'Cape Dutch' and the bunch in Natal as Colonials. The word 'Afrikaner' references all sorts of things belonging to an entire continent but it does not reference a specific faulk. The inhabitants of nearly all 53 countries listed at the start of this book are 'Afrikaners' or Africans. Linguistically that is the only correct meaning of the word 'Afrikaner'.

It is amusing thought that the Afrikaners of the Afrikaner Bond probably knew nothing about inspanning a team of Afrikaners in front of an ox-wagon.

Furthermore, for us Boere the word 'Afrikaner' has associations of treachery. After 1852 while our Boere faulk enjoyed total political and language autonomy the 'Kapenaars' were still courting the British for protection. However, in 1875 the natives of Paarl started a 'language movement' that very soon ground to a halt. They tried, because a lack of freedom, tradition and culture, to promote the name 'Afrikaner' but as early as 1882 the Afrikaner Bond, under instigation of 'Onze Jan' Hendrik Hofmeyer, swore allegiance to Queen Victoria and the British Empire. This step was aimed at patching things up with the British after our Boere faulk had humiliated them at Majuba in 1881. Clearly an attitude of: “You Boere can go to blazes, we prefer the company of British Royalty.”

The Afrikaner Bond backed the arch-enemy of our Faulk, Cecil Rhodes, and got him elected as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony. After the Jameson-Raid the Bond, although they now turned their backs on Rhodes, continued to support the British and kept a pro-British government in power in the Cape that saw to it that British troops were transported by rail through the Karoo to our borders so that we had to fight on two fronts, a task totally beyond the military capacity of our Boere army. During the Vereeniging discussions one of our generals pointed out that we had 'lost the war because the Cape Afrikaners had left us in the lurch by allowing the British troops to be transported by rail through the Karoo'. The Cape rebel leader, the brave Boere Commandant, Japie Neser, wrote in his diary: 'In a heavy battle with the enemy my commando killed twelve men, they were all Afrikaners'. And in his memories genl. Ben Viljoen writes during his internment on St. Helena: 'The bad treatment of us Boere in the camp is due to the advice given to the British by the Cape Afrikaners who have always been enemies of the Boere'.

During the British War the members of the Afrikaner Bond, that still kept the pro-British government in power in the Cape, formed the core of the British Town Guards and they were the forerunners in hunting down the Boere-rebels that fought on our side. The word 'Afrikaner' therefor leaves a foul taste in the mouth of a Boer.

13.3 A Faulk's identity
The deception of the Boere faulk since 1910 was mainly Cape Dutch inspired. Whit a stroke of the pen and the term 'Afrikaner' they nearly destroyed our Boere identity. What is generally forgotten is that the 'Afrikaans'-speaking Cape Dutch are not part of our Boere faulk!

A Faulk, any Faulk, has certain properties; a Faulk has its own unique history; its own traditions, festival days, political dispensation and political philosophy; own territory (state); own language; own race; own symbols, flags, faulksong [33] and folksongs. We Boere qualify one hundred per cent, but the 'Afrikaans'-speaking 'Kapenaars' that make up the N.P. government have none of these qualities. They had no part in our Boere history; they have never possessed their own territory (state); they never had their own flag and national anthem; own festival days and culture. That is why, to this day, they are so fond of British Royalty. This is clear from the adoration shown British Royalty by their journals: 'Die Huisgenoot', 'Sarie', 'Die Burger', 'Die Volksblad', 'Beeld' and Fair Lady.

Indeed, we are not of the same faulk at all. As a matter of fact, the Cape Dutch have never BEEN a faulk. They are still searching for a culture and a faulk tradition.

It will be of great assistance to them if the new independent Cape state Hexania comes about. The Cape Coloureds have long since deserved a state of their own and such of course of events will remove the thorns of animosity towards the Boere faulk. It is one of the evil results of the Union and Republic of South Africa that the Coloureds started perceiving the Boere, who have never had anything against them, as their enemies. The white 'Afrikaans'-speaking Cape Dutch oppress and politically control them. We Boere do not, but because we had to side with 'Whites' of the Cape to gain political power, we became implicated in their political impotence. Quite undeservedly so because we like they were dragged into the Union by the British against our wishes.

13.4 A referendum for the Boere of the Cape
But, I repeat, we do not want to be proscriptive. We Boere are, however, going to restart our interrupted faulk development and restart our Republics. We must do it in order to survive! The thinly populated areas in the Northern Cape will probably decide to join the Boere state. That however will be their decision and we Boere will see to it that a referendum for such a decision will be organised for them. As already mentioned, most of the black states were founded on Transvaal and Free State soil. To compensate for the tremendous loss of territory the northern part of Natal, including Kosi bay as well as the harbours of St Lucia bay and Richard's bay must be added to the Boere state. North Natal was a part of the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek. After the English War it was stolen by the British and attached to Natal.

28. -
29. -
30. 'The Boer War' by Thomas Pakenham p 31.
31. Smuts in a secret memorandum to the Transvaal executive September 4th 1899: … a frightful blood-bath out of which our faulk shall come … either as … hewers of wood and drawers of water for a hated race, or as victors, founders of a United South Africa of one of the greatest empires of the world … an Afrikaner republic in South Africa stretching form Table Bay to the Zambezi'.
32. Thomas Pakenham in 'The Boer War' p 575.
33. -

Contents of “Boerestaat”, by Robert van Tonder

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983 - Pictures of an ANC massacre PDF Print E-mail
Friday, 06 December 2013 07:07


The Church Street bombing was a car bomb attack on 20 May 1983 by Umkhonto we Sizwe, the military wing of the African National Congress (ANC), in Pretoria. The bomb exploded on Church Street at 4:30pm on a Friday. The bombing killed 19 people and wounded 217.
The Church Street bombing attack was commanded by Aboobaker Ismail, authorized under the leadership of Oliver Tambo and Joe Slovo, with the knowledge and approval of Nelson Mandela. The Church Street bombing murdered both black and white people, and far more civilians than police or military.

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Church street bombing, 20 May 1983

Nelson Mandela PDF Print E-mail
Friday, 06 December 2013 07:07


The following text (mostly already published on the HNP website) is taken from the book “Die Mandela Legende – The Mandela Legend” by Dr PW Möller. Is a biography of Nelson Mandela, historical communist terrorist of the African National Congress (ANC), and first black president of the “new” Empire of the Republic of South Africa (RSA).
The green text is by

Nelson MandelaWebster defines a legend as “a story generally of a marvellous character, told respecting a saint”. It has an historical background, but is often padded and tainted by fantasy. In Mandela’s case, when the facts are viewed realistically and objectively, any sensible person will no longer see a saint, but a fantasy blown up to something supernatural. It will become clear that a false image of the so-called beloved Madiba is being presented to the world. He is by no means the peace-loving, gentle daddy he is made out to be, but nothing less than a tyrant. He did not spend 27 years in jail for no reason, as continuously maintained. One example of these untruthful presentations appeared in the London Independent, May 1993: “Nelson Mandela is a noble man ... imprisoned for 27 years for his dedication to the cause of Black majority in South Africa”. How much of such misrepresentation could be ascribed to naive parrot-talk and how much to deliberate capitalist and communist propaganda cannot easily be determined. [It is also wrong to speak of “black majority”, that is a very racist anti-national concept, because each volk (white or black) is independent of the other. As it is imperialist to support the idea of a “South Africa” unitary state, meaning the vast Empire established by international capitalism after have conquered the Boer Republics.] The truth is that he was not imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was merely an opponent of apartheid. He was there because he planned to overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it. In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom, het admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street bomb […] during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many more.

In spite of this he was built up to an icon and held up as “a man of reconciliation”, as “essentially moderate, a man of special discernment, a courageous freedom fighter”. His international praise singers went as far as comparing him to Moses and George Washington. Topping them all was the American negro, Jesse Jackson, who blasphemously lifted him to the level of Jesus Christ […]. It's important to remember that the post-1966 SA imperial government hardly ever tried to unmask the real Mandela or his share in the Rivonia conspiracy or his close bonds with the SACP (South African Communist Party), or to enlighten the public as to the aims of this alliance.

Left to right: Winnie Mandela, Nelson Mandela and Yossel Slovo
Left to right: Winnie Mandela, Nelson Mandela and Yossel Slovo.
This enormous communist flag was displayed at ANC mass rallies. Communist leaders such as the Jew Joe Slovo were not only present as dignitaries, but later occupied key posts within the ANC imperial government.

Pre-History of Mandela
Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later) Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the Biography published by the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker), near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family. His education started in the local mission school, from where he was sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate. Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated. According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare University (a former British fort, converted into a school by white “Christian” missionaries, the first African education institution open to non-whites. Since 1916 was a key institution of the Empire of southern Africa [established by international capitalism through British military power], to provide higher education for black Africans). Mandela entered at Fort Hare University as a BA-student, but was expelled for taking part in a protest boycott. In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to escape from an arranged marriage. There Walter Sisulu took him under his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially and encouraged him to join the African National Congress (ANC), which he did in 1943. According to the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his clerkship at the law firm of Lazar Sidelsky, a Jew. He completed his BA degree at Unisa (University of South Africa) in 1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he left in 1948. A few years later though he did pass the entrance examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.
The education system of the Empire of Southern Africa had instructed him, until he become a lawyer.

In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence. Five years later these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus effectively also of the ANC. Mandela was elected in 1949 to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the Youth League the following year. In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the “apartheid policy” of the RSA Empire to civil disobedience. These undermining activities regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended sentences which restricted his freedom of movement. Later, in 1952, he was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy President of the ANC. Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the first full time Secretary-General of the ANC. After the events at Sharpeville on 21st of March 1960, the organisation was banned and went underground. […] Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of the violence option to overthrow the SA Empire government, a fact confirmed by Bruno Mtolo, a Zulu who was canvassed by the SACP and then joined Umkhonto we Sizwe to be actively involved in acts of sabotage in Natal, in his book Umkonto we Sizwe THE ROAD TO THE LEFT […].


The current image of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo, founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in […] southern Africa.

In the same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in his book South Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and training facilities for ANC cadres. He also personally underwent military training in Algeria in 1962. Towards the end of that year, thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia. These youths were grossly deceived by their canvasser, and most of them were not aware that they were being sent on military training, says Bruno Mtolo. The recruits were not motivated politically, but by their adventurous spirit. The prospect of seeing the world and studying overseas was the carrot held before them. Most parents were also held in the dark and many of them would never see their children again (B Motolo, pp. 8, 9, 52 e 88).

In the same year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five years. In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed for life.

Mandela was married three times and divorced twice. His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker) from which four children were born. From his second marriage with Winnie Madikizela in June 1958 two daughters were born. On his 80th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.

Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle
Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise” the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects.

Bruno Mtolo deems that his strong personality made him stand out above all the other leaders, but also that the SACP was instrumental in transferring the cloak of leadership from Albert Luthuli to Mandela (B Mtolo, pp. 39-40). Clearly Mtolo had no great respect for the other leaders, because they lived in affluence and were chauffeured around in luxury cars while the foot-soldiers suffered the greatest misery. He even accuses them of dishonesty and duping of their followers (B Mtolo, pp. 11, 57, 58, 65, 74, 87, 130 and 153).

Winnie MandelaIt would appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother of the Nation” (Mama Wetu) – which nation? -, “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and “The Madonna of the Left” the local and international capitalist-communist media boosted her reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu, Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum. Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.

It is equally not clear where this idea of image building originated. Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental in obtaining Soviet support for southern Africa terrorist movements but later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South Africa. That in itself was not new, because the International Communist Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the organisation to a […] revolutionary movement in order to overthrow the White administration in order to establish a Soviet-backed communist regime. Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950. The USSR was of course also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism in the rest of Southern Africa.

[…] It was instead the Western countries like England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years. They also actively participated with the international Communist network in building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save South Africa (Empire) – the black Messiah […] to come. This active support of the ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence. How deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London […].

Un bambino vittima di un omicidio con “collana”

This child was a “necklace” murder victim. Take a car tire, some fuel, binding wire to keep the victim cooperative - and a match. The ANC's sole contribution to modern warfare.

Winnie Mandela

“With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country” - Winnie Mandela.
“Liberate this country” here means to establish an capitalist-communist empire over all southern Africa.

Rivonia: a [...] Conspiracy to Overthrow the SA Empire Government and establish a communist Empire over all southern Africa
[...] In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground. When it became known that South Africa Empire would become an imperial republic, the ANC convened the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a […] imperial convention, representative of all south Africans, without national distinctions (ie: no freedom for the nations of southern Africa). Should it be denied, a [...] strike would be staged in all southern Africa. This did take place in May 1961 and the insurgents were of the opinion that this strike was the beginning of the communist revolution in […] southern Africa, (Mtolo, p. 13), but it was effectively squashed by the government of RSA Empire. The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation [which nation?]) was established. On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence against RSA government institutions by means of sabotage. On the same day the […] southern Africa was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated progressively in the years to come. During 1963 pamphlets were even distributed amongst Whites. Most of the early acts of sabotage were planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ [a Jew] [...] flat in Johannesburg with Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.

Initially the South African imperial Police were unaware of the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks. Although they managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were. Meanwhile the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts on Radio Freedom from mid-1963. The situation changed overnight when an informant supplied the Johannesburg Security Police with details of the whereabouts of the MK leaders. On the 11th July 1963 in broad daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the 28ha farm of the Jew Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg, and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight Jews, four blacks and one Indian. Since Mandela was already in jail, Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator. With him and his wife Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested. Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed to skip […] southern Africa. The conspicuous role which Jews played in this communist complot follows a pattern which has been apparent in world history since the Russian revolution of 1917. The SACP moved its underground headquarters from Lilliesleaf to London.

Thanks to more information gained the police of the RSA Empire were able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few weeks later. This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an arms factory as well. A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View, Pretoria.

These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye (“come back”) in detail – the master plan for subverting the South African Empire government. The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela was the chief conspirator. Some of Mandela’s diaries were found, containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his struggle against […] the Empire of South Africa. In addition a large collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.

The accused first appeared in court on 9 October 1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963. The accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple, Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. To save his own skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats. Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils, Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled [...] southern Africa before they could be accused.

The accused faced charges of sabotage, including deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid of foreign armies. Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines and 210 000 hand grenades, large quantities of pipe, petrol and and bottle bombs. According to JPJ Coetzer (Secretary of Justice of the RSA Empire 1974-1979 and Director-General of Justice 1979-1984) the accused were to acquire a further 1 500 time-bomb fuses, 144 tons of ammonium nitrate, 26,6 tons of aluminium powder and 15 ton of black powder to launch their communist revolution (Coetzer, p. 127 as well as HD Stadler: The Other Side of the Story). These quantities would have been sufficient to destroy a city the size of Johannesburg, and were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.

Dr Percy Yutar (a Jew) appeared for the […] Empire, while Justice Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided. The accused were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ Joffe (a Jew) was the counselling attorney. Although the […] Empire identified 270 witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized, nor their revolutionary aims. Amongst the documents were 10 papers in Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups. Further divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground cells.

An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing. Operation Mayibuye was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare. Most probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China, Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution. Both Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of destructive instruments. For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye, was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and the setting of ambushes.

In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with. The attacks would take place mainly in the rural areas and to this end the […] RSA Empire was divided into four regions. Each region would be invaded by a guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month. On arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join them. It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the SACP. Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under communist rule would be a land of milk and honey […].

While the local cadres carried on with their undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be equipped and on standby to invade the […] RSA Empire. An interim government were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international labour unions to isolate the Republic. The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye (Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could be finalised successfully within six months, a wave of murder and grand scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the achievement of their aim. An aim that wasn't the liberation of the volk held prisoners in the RSA Empire, but the establishment of a communist Empire (loyal to international capitalism) over the whole southern Africa.

Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions (COSATU), the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.

Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus avoiding cross examination. Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through […] capitalist-communist channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.

During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die” speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was responsible for the final editing.

On 4 March 1964 the [...] RSA Empire closed its case and the court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to prepare their case. On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three minutes flat. The final version given later comprised 72 pages. Only Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail, fierce opponent of apartheid System of RSA Empire, had to agree that “the sentences pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.

This did not conclude the police investigation. Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them “whites” (with reference to skin color) and among them were many Jews.

Although this was a classic case of high treason and punishable under the imperial law of the day by death, the whole world was surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only. [...]  Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.

The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified because they were only opposing apartheid System of RSA Empire, yet Amnesty International declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since he was guilty of sabotage and violence. The South African Empire government did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his stance. He made this prophetic statement: “When they say they are glad Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader [of the Empire] in the future – then I say: God forbid.” (Main source of information regarding the Rivonia complot is from Lauritz Strydom's book Rivona – Masker Af!)

Church street bomb, 20 May, 1983

Church street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called "Umkhonto we Sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the Church street bomb shown above.

Mandela and Communism
During Mandela's discussion with African leaders in the early sixties to persuade them to co-operate in establishing an external army to invade […] southern Africa, he deliberated misled them into believing that the rebels against the South African Empire government were not communists. He did this because these heads of state were only prepared to assist if the rebels were not communists. He also told his followers that those leaders, because of their political and economical backwardness, did not really comprehend Marxism (by Moses Mordecai Levi, a Jew born in Germany, better known as “Karl Marx”). “He warned us not to let the other African states know that we were Communists … .” (B Mtolo, p. 38)

One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist, in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to […] communism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by the liberals, but only by revolution.
In reality, Communism is the politically correct opponent that international capitalism proposes for himself; because they have the same origin and the same aims.
further maintains that studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues: “The Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.” This view was later endorsed by every local communist. It is not surprising that Moscow awarded Mandela the Lenin Peace Prize in April 1990 (Vladimir Shubin: ANC – A View from Moscow, p. 378). During the so-called “struggle” years Shubin, a prominent communist, was an important link between the ANC/SACP and the Kremlin. A blurb on the cover of his book reads: “What is undeniable, and quickly becomes apparent through the unfolding narratives of this richly documented book, is the debt owned to the USSR by the ANC for the unstinting assistance given so unselflessly and unhesitatingly over so many years” (Coetzer, p. 331). Mandela aligned himself with this statement when, on the 3rd of July 1991 he told a Soviet delegation: “Without your support we would not be where we are now” (Coetzer, p. 332).

However, not all ANC’s were impressed with Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were “infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the SACP”. How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis, Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the official organ of the American Communist Party. She quotes Brian Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of the SACP is also a member of the ANC.

Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers, Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case, over the future leadership of the ANC. At the Lusaka council held in January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”. This explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and thus never considered for the ANC presidency.

Mandela never made any secret of the close ties between the ANC and the SACP. In his first speech after his release in 1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one of our finest patriots”. The term “patriot” is used here in an absolutely improper way. Joe Slovo – a communist Jew migrated from Lithuania, historical leader of the Communist Party of South Africa (SAKP) didn't defend any fatherland, as Mandela. Both were aimed to establish a communist empire, which was to deny the right to fatherland to all volk of southern Africa.
Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and co-prisoners on Robben Island [...], Mandela preference for communists clearly showed in his cabinet and other appointments after the 10th May 1994. Steve Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel, Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter. Chris Hani declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support of most of his comrades. Hani puts it this way in the International Express, 4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.

Mandela has never Denounced Violence
Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities belies this image. Apart from the communists and [...] racist White-haters which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions in the “new” Empire of southern Africa (“new” RSA Empire), his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the […] Whites, and for the Boers in particular. Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous imperial government, reflects his attitude towards the [...] Whites. No truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the [...] Whites and rewrite history.
The court of the new emperors new was illegitimate, as it was illegitimate the Empire of which they had taken control.

It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47 [...]. Aida Parker says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if ever played any role in his actions”. As early as 1961 Mandela declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the government met our peaceful demands with force.” This statement about imperial government action is also not true. Should terrorists, saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves? The government acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted with. Any other government would have done the same.

Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be achieved by violence only. In order to mobilise them Mandela himself told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK. This recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela should take full blame for the violence which erupted over [...] southern Africa, and persists to this day. The extent of the carnage is illustrated by these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770 schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed. During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the barbarous “necklace” method [...].  

The killing and mayhem has never stopped and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in the “new” Empire of  South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies, hijackings and house breaking. Two million crimes are being committed annually of which less than half are ever solved, because un large number of police are incompetent and corrupt. [...]

That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001 by the then Commissioner of imperial Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in South Africa. Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are thriving in South Africa, and that this […] empire has indeed become the crime Mecca of the world. That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich. It is a more advanced stage of capitalism-communism, with the great wealth of southern Africa who have remained in the hands of international capitalism.

After it became known that Mandela was to receive the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his R3,1 million to MK. That is the man who, according to the international media, is an ardent promoter of peace!

This child was an ANC landmine victim

This child was an ANC landmine victim. Smuggling in thousands of landmines was one of the charges which landed Mandela in prison.

The National Party (NP) and Mandela
Mandela go home: Transkei. Pretoria, 1990On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be released, despite the continuing violence in […] southern Africa. Interesting to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27 wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would settle in the Transkei (where he was born) with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima. Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the NP’s homeland policy – White afrikaner policy which provided a sort of autonomy or independence for each volk of southern Africa, with the exception of the only white volk, the Boer volk.
Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the […] RSA Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s release. Mandela again refused.

In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town. In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South Africa did not allow it. It appears that Mandela knew all about these discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice. Thereafter he was transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee started in 1986. It is reported that the government went as far as to secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile. Even a chef was appointed to cook to his desire. During December 1988 he was transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near Paarl. Chris Hani, a hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung, believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an appointment when he felt like it.

PW Botha - Prime Minister of the RSA Empire from 1978 to 1984, and President from 1984 to 1989; predecessor of FW de Klerk and loyal servant of U.S. interests in Africa - was also eager to free Mandela and invited him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989. Botha was willing to release him the moment he denounced violence. Although Mandela indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans. It would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which led to the founding of MK. Mandela never denounced violence, yet De Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned organisations like the ANC and SACP. Belatedly, in December 2010, De Klerk admits in an article published in a local daily, that Mandela was dishonest during the […] transition process (from the “old” to the “new” RSA Empire), and never renounced violence. Despite this admission, De Klerk's article still presents Mandela as a hero. (Beeld, 27 December 2010, FW De Klerk: Mandela tóé nie opreg oor geweld).

During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the Communist Party of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa Empire will get a communist government. It is unthinkable that the South African Empire government did not take notice. Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other radicals in the ANC/SACP. Thus the NP did everything in its power to present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate. Even the Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any ANC activities which would impair this image. When the Aida Parker Newsletter wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they tried to prevent it, fortunately without success. Naturally the NP also hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.

We are still enjoying the results of this surrender politics. Not only has [...] southern Africa been destroyed and transformed from a first world country to a third world dump, but the process is unabated. It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution, as planned by the ANC/SACP.  [...]

Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC imperial regime is corrupt and incompetent. Shortly after the ANC takeover, British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in the Spectator of February 1995: “South Africa is a country [Empire. Ed.] afflicted by crime and corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty stricken and carnal existence”. [...] Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought! How can such a terrorist, who has struggled to create a communist empire, be regarded as a hero?


Not only has the deterioration on all levels escalated since 1994, but 30 000 [other sources say more than 40,000] Whites have been murdered, often in the most ghastly manner. The murder of Eugene Terre'Blanche […] recently (April 2010) is a good example. The policy of “affirmative action” is the most inhumane racial discrimination against Whites. The fact that so many [...] whites, mainly Boers, have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment, has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually. It is estimated that 10% of […] afrikaans-speaking whites have been reduced to beggary in squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that. The vast majority of them are Boers. [...]

It is ironic that people should clamour to declare 18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk. Now one understands why […] JHWH revealed in the Bible that there will be difficult times ahead for His Sons, times [...] when wrong will be right and the lie will be the truth.

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