South Africa, Boer prisoner of war tortured. Wilhelm Pretorius, 2002 PDF Print E-mail
Wednesday, 16 May 2012 07:07


Affidavit by Boer prisoner of war Wilhelm Pretorius - an accused in the so-called “Boeremag” phoney-trial

Wilhelm Pretorius - Boer prisoner of war

The green text, enclosed in square brackets, is by Volkstaat.org

That barbarian methods of torturing are used by police [imperial police] is one hundred percent correct. I can personally testify to this.

On 10 December 2002, I, Wilhelm Pretorius, a 25 year old student, was arrested on political and especially weapons-related charges, including high treason and conspiracy to a coup d’état. The charges were essentially similar to those for which a group of ANC-members [African National Congress] consisting of most current South African Members of Parliament [of the “new” Republic of South Africa (RSA) Empire] were charged during the apartheid years.

I was arrested at 20h00 (8:00 pm) in a park in Pretoria while it was drizzling. My hands were tied behind my back with thick, strong plastic cables, in such a way that the blood supply to my hands was denied. For approximately two hours I lay on the ground on my stomach. During this time, one of the policemen came and stood on my neck.

After approximately two hours, Captain Johan Vice [Johannes Cornelius Vice – an Afrikaans-speaking white at the service of the imperial police] took me to a Venture vehicle belonging to the police that had dark-tinted windows. When I got into the vehicle, which was driven by a white woman, Capt Vice was seated directly behind me, and one Lotter, another policeman, on the right-hand side of the seat behind mine. My hands were still tightly bound, so that my hands were already feeling numb. The next thing I knew was Capt Vice throwing his shirt over my head and pulling it back sharply, with the obvious intention of strangling me. I struggled violently and managed to free my head from the shirt, totally dazed by what had just happened. I still was not prepared for the barbarism that would follow. He pulled the shirt over my eyes to blind me. Capt Vice is approximately 2 m (6’6”) tall. He is a large man with massive hands. With his gigantic hands, he grabbed me around my throat, pushing in my Adam’s apple to shut off my windpipe so that I simply could not breathe. I squirmed and struggled, but his hands were firmly anchored around my throat, like the paws of a lion around the throat of an impala. I struggled for breath so vehemently that I eventually landed on the middle seat of the Venture.

I was now virtually lying on his lap, with my hands still bound behind my back. Using his fist, he repeatedly hit me on the side of my face asking where my brothers were. At that stage, they were still wanted by the police for the same case. This process continued for a long time. He also forcefully pushed his finger into my ear.

At one stage, we stopped next to the road Vice threatened that if I would try to remove the shirt from my eyes, he would kill me. He said to me that he had made special arrangements for a so called “Kaffir” (black man) to rape me. “They have been craving nice white flesh for quite some time now,” he sneered. Somebody with alcohol on his breath then bent over me, as I was lying on the middle seat of the Venture, while the door was open. This person spoke in isiZulu and repeatedly tampered with my trousers and my belt. He also repeatedly slapped me in the face. I did not understand what he was saying. Sometimes he spoke near to me so that I could smell the odour of alcohol on his stinking breath. I later recognized the person from his voice as one of the policemen who much later interrogated me again. Again I was hit on the side of my face by Capt Vice, again and again. I was also repeatedly asked if I were a “virgin,” referring to the fact that I was going to be raped. This was continuously repeated to me.

They then took me out of the car and made me lie on a plastic sheet next to the road. It sounded to me as if it were a deserted place. I was still blindfolded and could not see where I was. The plastic cables started cutting into the flesh of my arms and my hands were totally numb, Capt Vice came and sat on me and forced a rubbery piece of material over my mouth and nose. I could get no breath. I initially kicked and struggled, but quickly realized that it only caused me to waste more breath. This process continued while they shouted and swore at me. I lay on my numb hands and gasped for breath. Sometimes I just gave up and let go so that I could die, at other times I just saw stars before my eyes. My lungs felt as if they would burst, while my whole body was exhausted from being deprived of oxygen. They continued cursing me and threatening to kill me. “Didn’t you sh** in your pants yet?” and other similar remarks were shouted at me.

During the struggle I landed on my stomach after having rid myself of the blindfold. I could then see who the savage was who had carried out his barbarian acts on me. The same man came and sat on me. He put the inner tube over my mouth and nose, and pulled my neck backwards, using brute force. Every second it felt as if my neck would break. I was helpless and could not do anything except endure it. I got no breath, my whole back and neck felt as if they would break at any moment. There were times when I just gave up and thought to myself that if my neck had to be broken, then let it be. Initially I struggled against this murderer with all my power, but later I just gave up and let go. “If my neck breaks now, it would at least be the end of this hell,” I found myself thinking. I then relaxed my whole body so that my neck could break. I was to find out afterwards that one of the AWB men, Phil Kloppers, who is still in jail today in a wheelchair, had been paralyzed by similar police torture.

After this session, the person stood on my lower back while he violently forced my hands upwards. It felt as if my arms were being torn out of their sockets. My head was against the ground, and my neck was stretched in such a way that once again I could not breathe. This continued the whole time while they yelled questions at me about where my brothers were, how we communicated, and when I was supposed to see them again. I did not know where they were and had to think up a story of how we communicated and where they were, in order to get them to allow me some rest. They did not allow me any rest, however. After this torture session, my shoulders hurt so much that I could not lift them. For two weeks afterwards, I was unable to lift my arms above my shoulders, and two years afterwards, my shoulder still gave me problems during exercises. My torturer had completely strained my shoulder ligaments.

I again landed on my back and was again suffocated with the rubber inner tube. At one stage, this was replaced by a plastic sheet. He then also repeatedly rubbed his knuckles violently on my breastbone. After I breathed for a moment, he would pick me up and put me on my feet. Approximately 8-10 times he hit me in the stomach with full force, so that I fell to the ground. There was an unknown grey-haired policeman whom I will be able to recognize, who held me while the other one beat me up. I was picked up and hit in the stomach again and again.

After this session had finished, I was again blindfolded, this time with striped police barrier tape, the kind they use for roping off crime areas. This tape was wound tightly around my face. I can remember Vice and Lotter, and saw that there were two bakkies (light trucks) While this episode lasted, I heard them opening beer cans. In the bakkie there were a lot of empty beer cans.

They put me in the car again, finally believing that I would meet my brothers that night and that they would hide a message for me or I would hide one for them under a stone at an old fort which I knew well. We then drove to the fort, but they did not stop torturing me. On the way there, Capt Vice hit me on the elbow with the butt of his pistol and again hit me on the side of my face and pushed his finger into my ear. He also started hitting me on my thigh repeatedly. At that time, I had no feeling left in my hands. Even the blows to my head only made me see stars, but I actually did not feel the blows any more. The fact that I could breathe again was valuable to me.

I was lying on the middle seat of the bakkie. I heard them cocking their 9 mm pistols and running towards the fort. They shouted that they had seen tracks there and that my brothers probably were there. This was not so however, as people regularly visit that fort, and my brothers would never meet me there. We had not arranged to meet, and I did not know where they were.

We drove off again. I now promised that I would cooperate, in order to get a break to rest a little. My mind was tired, my throat bone dry, my hands were numb, and my whole being was blunted. Vice now cut off the plastic cords, using his pocket knife, and in the process, he also caused a cut in my left wrist. In spite of the fact that the cables had been removed, I still had no feeling. They bought me a Coke. My throat was so dry that the gas stuck to my throat.

We drove to their offices in the Piet Joubert building in Visagie Street. Here I was ordered to wash my face. I was startled to see my face in the mirror. My nose was covered with blood, and my face was so swollen that it looked like a pumpkin.

We walked upstairs to an office. Here, they peppered me with questions. Every time I gave an answer they did not like, they repeatedly slapped my head. Again, it was Capt Vice, Lotter, and the grey-haired policeman whose voice I recognized as the one who had pretended to be the black man who would rape me. There was a Zulu present as well. At one stage, when they started screaming at me again, they said that I had to go with the Zulu, because they knew how to make people talk. One Colonel Van Rooyen [another Afrikaans-speaking white at the service of the imperial police] then entered and took me aside. He had come to tell me that his father shares my views on politics. I had to cooperate with these people, though. He tried to convince me. When I asked him whether I did not have a right to remain silent, he became more aggressive and said that a criminal does not have the right to remain silent. Once a person has committed a crime, he no longer has a right to remain silent. He took me back to the others. Again they slapped me several times if they were not satisfied with the answers I provided. One Commissioner Pruis and another commissioner then arrived. Also they peppered me with questions. We left the offices at approximately 10:00 (am). The policemen were in a jovial mood. I was not handcuffed. We got into the bakkie. It was the same bakkie in which we had driven there, and I also saw the pieces of barrier tape which they had used to blindfold me.

We then drove to Hartebeesfontein police station, approximately 300 km (200 miles) west van Pretoria. On the way there, we stopped at a liquor store in a town. The same three policemen asked me if I would go and buy liquor for them. I realized that if I did this, they could allege that I was trying to escape, and would able to shoot me dead. I refused, but tried to seem amicable. Lotter, who sat next to me in the back, then went to buy the beer. They also gave me some beer, while they opened one beer after another. On the way to Potchefstroom, we passed through a roadblock, which made them very nervous, as they had drunk quite a lot. My legal representative, Jaco van der Wateren in the meantime had traced me to Vice’s cell phone and I at last had an opportunity to talk to him. I also later phoned him from the police station. Vice told me that, if I cooperated nicely, they would look after me, otherwise they would “put me in with some Kaffirs.” “The Kaffirs are going to f**k you. Are you still a virgin, Willempie?” he sneeringly mocked me. When we arrived at the police station, I immediately phoned my attorney, who recommended that I file charges right away. I then made a statement without delay.

That night, I was locked up alone in an ice cold cell without being provided with any warm garments. My whole body was in a state of shock. The hairy, dirty blanket was insufficient. My neck was completely limp, and I to keep my head up was difficult. I carried my arms in front of me in a folded position, because I was unable to lift them. I started to experience a pins-and-needles feeling in my hands. I had pain-reliever tablets. My throat was so swollen from the strangulation that I could not eat anything. I could swallow with great difficulty only. I was locked up in the cell without water. I could not reach my wife on the telephone and was to learn afterwards that she had also been arrested, and one of my friends as well. I spent the night without painkillers or any other medication. Only the next morning did a policeman from Hartebeesfontein take me to a district surgeon. The DS examined me in the presence of the policeman, and I made sure that he made proper notes of all my injuries.

I was later informed that my wife’s door was kicked off while she was standing within sight of the police, phoning her attorney. They assaulted her and plucked the phone from her hand. A friend of mine who arrived on the scene was manhandled, and when he arrived at his car, he found that rivets had been shot into his tyres in order to prevent him from following them to see where they were taking my wife.

Capt Vice and Lotter still form part of the investigation team of the criminal case brought against me and others, which has been serving before a court of law for almost three years now. To date, nothing has come of the complaint filed by me. I have never yet met the investigating officer. In fact, no investigation has yet been done at all. Au contraire, Capt Vice sits in court daily. He handles all written evidence of the accused, handles our security in jail, and is in charge of visits by our families. He sits in court daily and leers at us. Is this not a highly irregular arrangement under any legal system?

The ANC regularly complains that its members had been tortured by these monsters, yet the ANC has knowingly turned the self-same “policemen” [including a good number of Afrikaans-speaking whites] loose upon its political opponents. Their members just turn their heads away while similar and worse violations are perpetrated against us [the Boers]. This report mentions only the torture perpetrated against me personally. This does not even touch upon the refined psychic torture to which we are subjected day and night in jail. Justice and righteousness cannot be relied upon in this country [Empire] any longer. The monster of police brutality is a reality which is perpetuated by politically motivated silence.

Who were the 27,000 Boers who died in concentration camps? PDF Print E-mail
Monday, 14 May 2012 07:07


Boer children and women in the British concentration camps

On May 9, I had an interesting conversation with Theuns Cloete, great Boer patriot and a great Boer history expert, and also Director of Boervolk Radio. Among other things, Theuns pointed out to me that there is much confusion about the 27,000 Boers died in the British concentration camps in southern Africa, during 1900-1902.
It is generally thought that most of these 27,000 dead were women. Perhaps because there are several monuments that recall the Boer women, and when people speak of the dead in concentration camp, ever citing first women then children. But the truth is otherwise.
Of the 27,000 deaths: 24,000 were children (under 16 years); 2,200 were women; 800 were men.
The Boer population, before the Second Anglo-Boer War, was about 180,000 up to 220,000, of which 50,000 were children.
The British concentration camps, a weapon of international capitalism moved to the conquest of the Boer Republics, exterminated about 50% of the Boer child population. The nature of things was reversed, and mothers and fathers saw their children die. Indeed, the best way to delete a volk is to make dying his children.


The extermination of the Boer child population

4. The Republic of Natalia PDF Print E-mail


Book: Boerestaat, by Robert van Tonder
First English Edition [1977]


Chapter 4

The Republic of Natalia

In 1837 Retief and his followers migrated to Natal and negotiated with the paramount chief of the Zulus to purchase land from him. Dingane allotted the area between the Tugela and the Umzimvubu rivers to them on the condition that they recover several thousand head of stolen cattle from another black chief by the name of Sekonyela. Retief succeeded in the undertaking and the land [...] was granted to them.

Dingane under incitement by the reverend Robert Owen, stationed at Umgungundlhovu, and political threats by Captain Gardiner, the British Commissioner of Port Natal, violated the agreement by murdering Retief and his party of 65 men and 5 boys during a “celebration in their honour”. This he followed up by sending his Army to murder the Boere wherever they found them. The Boere regrouped under Andries Pretorius and routed the Zulus during the great battle of Blood river on December 16th 1838.

Thereafter, we Boere, although we could have taken all of Dingane's land through the recognised right of conquest, settled only the land had been acquired through the agreement between Retief and Dingane. By 1840 we had founded the Republic of Natalia with Pieter Maritzburg as capital. Exposed coal seams were soon discovered and mined. George Napier, the British Governor of the Cape Colony, got wind of it and in January of 1842 Sir George Napier issued a proclamation in respect of the annexation of Natal. In his reply on behalf of the Faulk's Council J.N. Boshoff, who later become President of the Republic of the Orange Free State, summed up the grievances leading up to the emigration as follows:

“To quote a few examples: who was it that imposed the increasingly evil results of slavery on us? Who was it that assured us of our property rights in that respect? Was it not the same Government that later stripped us of the same and in such a way that we had not the slightest say as to what would have been the best and most suitable procedure? Who was it that promised us full compensation for our slaves? Was it not the same Government that cheated us out of two thirds of the actual value and then exposed us to the avariciousness of profit-hungry dealers that enriched themselves at our cost? Who was it that employed us, at no payment and at our own cost, to protect the borders of the Colony against the hostile, bellicose and rapacious Kafirs? Was it not the same Government that later on denied us any right to compensation by wrongfully asserting that we had brought the Kafirs' vengeance upon ourselves by robbing them? Who deprived us of the best Governor we ever had simply because he, as a man with a conscience, defended the wronged Cape Colonists and, by punishing their destructive enemies, sought their essential safety and protection? Who saddled us with political speculators bound over to impose on us border arrangements that continually exposed us to being robbed and threatened by the Kafirs with impunity, accompanied by excessively high cost to be recouped from the purse of the already ruined farmer? Was it not the Government that opened the country to roving vagabonds leading an unemployed, savage way of life garnering their livelihood form the livestock and other properties of the already over-stressed farmer? Through which course the farmer, stuck without labour, or if he had labour, denuded of all authority, of which the colonists are still complaining, was robbed of all hope, so that he, all his remonstrations and petitions remaining unanswered and ignored, was left with the darkest possible future view.

“All these evils we ascribe to this one cause, namely the lack of representative government that was refused us by the executive authority of the same faulk who consider this privilege one of their holiest civil rights and for which every true Briton would lay down his life.”

By 1845 we Boere gave up hope of reaching a reasonable agreement with the British and so the migration over the Berg [10] into Potgieter's territory – the Transvaal and the [Orange. Ed.] Free State – took place.

10. The Drakensberg

Chapter 3 - Contents - Chapter 5

Die Mandela Legende / The Mandela Legend - Dr. P.W. Möller PDF Print E-mail
Friday, 27 April 2012 07:07

“Die Mandela Legende – The Mandela Legend”, by Dr. P.W. MöllerDr. P.W. Möller

The book “Die Mandela Legende – The Mandela Legend”, by dr. P.W. Möller, is a biography of Nelson Mandela, history communist terrorist of the African National Congress (ANC), and first black President of the “new” Empire of the Republic of South Africa (RSA).
Dr. P.W. Moller, in a booklet easy to read, cheap and basic, in two languages (Afrikaans and English), unmasks an icon of international capitalism-communism, and report his true story.

The truth is a powerful weapon. For this reason many those who try to suppress it.
Volkstaat.org invites you to buy this book and spread it.
Those who are interested to buy a copy of “Die Mandela Legende – The Mandela Legend” can contact Volkstaat.org via e-mail. All copies will be ordered directly to Dr. Möller, in southern Africa.

What follows is a brief presentation of the book.


The Real Mandela

In this booklet (which is published in Afrikaans and English) Nelson Mandela, who has been elevated to a world icon, is exposed as the tyrant he really is – all but the amiable, peace loving and benign personality popularly ascribed to him. Not only did his propagation and incitement of violence, over many years, foster a state of anarchy, which is still rampant in South Africa, but he himself was responsible for the death of many innocent people.

During the National Party's negotiations with him, Mandela persistently refused to renounce violence, even though he continuously pretend to be in favour of a peaceful solution for the South African situation. Despite the fact that he is nothing less than a terrorist he is still being revered as a saint. It is beyond belief that the term “Madiba magic”, whatever it may mean, should still be dabbled about. The author believes that nowhere else in world history has such a false image been created, as in the case of Mandela. This is his modest attempt to expose the lies and counter his false image.

Boer march in Middelburg, April 27, 2011 PDF Print E-mail
Wednesday, 25 April 2012 21:59

Volksoptog 27 April 2012 in Middelburg Transvaal
(in Afrikaans)

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